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Full text of "Notes concerning the Wampanoag tribe of Indians, with some account of a rock picture on the shore of Mount Hope Bay, in Bristol, R.I"

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isr  ()  T  E  s 



fimm  yinmni  ot  a  l|utk  yitlnra 


SIlOllH   OF    MOUNT    HOPE    BAY,   IX    IJKISTOL,  K.  I. 



SIDNEY     S  .      n  I  I)  E  K  . 


Copyright   by 
SIDNEY    S.    Ill  I)E  K 

18  80. 

riH)Vii»i;N(|.;  I'  coMi'ANv,  i'i;iNTi:i:s 


[Read  before  the  Rhode  Island  Historical  Society,  in  Providence,   March  17,  1874.] 

In  any  sketch  of  the  Wampauoag  Tribe  of  Indians, 
Massasoit,  and  his  renowned  son,  Pomktacom,  or 
King  Philip,  must  of  necessity  be  the  central  fig- 
ures. The  first,  as  the  early  friend  and  sturdy  ally 
and  preserver  of  the  Plymouth  settlement  in  its  years 
of  feebleness,  and  the  latter  as  the  bold  and  intrepid 
leader  of  his  race,  in  their  wild  and  desperate  eflx)rt 
to  stay  the  march  of  civilization,  and  reclaim  the 
huntin«:  orrounds  of  their  fathers  from  the  adventur- 
ous  intruders  who  had  entered  in  and  possessed  the 

The  first  knowledge  we  have  of  the  Indians  in  this 
section,  is  from  Verrazzano,  a  Florentine  pilot,  who 
was  sent  out  by  Francis  I,  of  France,  in  1524,  in 
command  of  the  ship  Dolphin,  or  Dauphin.  He 
sailed  from  Madeira  on  the  17th  of  January,  1524, 
with  fifty  men  and  eight  months'  stores,  and  steer- 
ing west,  in  fifty  days  made  land ;  which  proved 
to  be  what  is  now  a  portion  of  the  Carolina  coast. 
Sailino^  north  alono^  the  coast,  occasionally  stopping 


to  land,   he   discovered   Block   Island,   and   entered 
Narragansett  Bay. 

In  a  letter  to  the  King,  of  France,  after  his  return, 
he  o-ives  an  account  of  his  visit  to  these  waters,  and 
a  description  of  the  natives,  as  follows  :  — 

"  We  discovered  an  Island  in  the  form  of  a  trian- 
gle, distant  from  the  main  land  ten  leagues,  about 
the  biirness  of  the  island  of  Rhodes.  It  was  full  of 
hills,  covered  with  trees,  well  peopled,  for  we  saw 
fires  all  along  the  coast.  We  gave  it  the  name  of 
your  Majesty's  mother  (Louisa).  And  we  came  to 
another  land,  being  tifteen  leagues  distant  from  the 
Island,  where  we  found  a  passing  good  haven  (New- 
port harbor),  where,  being  entered,  we  found  about 
twenty  small  boats  of  the  people,  Avhich  with  divers 
cries  and  wonderings,  came  about  our  ship  ;  coming 
no  nearer  than  fifty  paces  towards  us,  they  stayed 
and  beheld  the  artificialness  of  our  ship,  our  shape 
and  apparel,  then  they  all  made  a  loud  shout  to- 
gether, declaring  that  they  rejoiced  ;  when  we  had 
something  animated  them,  using  their  gestures,  they 
came  so  near  us,  that  we  cast  them  certain  bells  and 
glasses  and  many  toys,  which  when  they  had  re- 
ceived, they  looked  on  them  with  laughing,  and 
came  without  fear  on  board  our  ship. 

"They  were  dressed  in  deer  skins,  wrought  arti- 
ficially with  divers  branches  like  damask;  their  hair 
was  tied  up  behind  with  divers  knots.  This  is  the 
goodliest  people,  and  of  the  fairest  conditions,  that 


we  have  found  in  this  our  voyage  ;  they  exceed  us 
in  bigness ;  they  are  the  color  of  brass,  some  of 
them  incline  more  to  whiteness  ;  others  are  of  yel- 
low color,  of  comely  visage,  with  long  and  black 
hair,  which  they  are  very  careful  to  trim  and  deck 
up  ;  they  are  of  sweet  and  pleasant  countenance. 
The  women  are  very  handsome  and  well  favored,  of 
pleasant  countenance  and  comely  to  behold.  They 
are  as  well  mannered  as  any  women  ;  they  wear  deer 
skins  branched  and  embroidered,  as  the  men  use — 
there  are  also  of  them  which  wear  on  their  arms 
very  rich  skins  of  Lucernes ;  they  wear  divers  orna- 
ments, according  to   the  usage  of  the  people  of  the 

"  We  bestowed  fifteen  days  in  providing  ourselves  ; 
every  day  the  people  repaired  to  see  our  ship, 
bringing  their  wives  with  them,  whereof  they  are 
very  jealous,  and  caused  their  wives  to  stay  in  their 
boats,  and  for  all  the  entreaty  we  could  make,  we 
could  never  obtain  that  they  would  suffer  them  to 
come  aboard  our  ship.  There  were  two  kings  of  so 
goodly  stature  and  shape  as  is  possible  to  declare  ; 
the  oldest  was  about  forty  years  of  age  ;  the  second 
was  a  young  man  of  twenty  years  old,  and  when 
they  came  on  board  the  Queen  and  her  maids  stayed 
in  a  ver}'  light  boat  at  an  island  a  quarter  of  a  league 

"There  was  a  little  island  near  the  ship  (Goat 
Island,*  probably)  where  the  men  went — the  woods 

*  Now  used  by  the  Uuiteil  States  Government  for  a  torpedo  station. 


were  oaks,  cypress  trees  and  other  sorts  unknown  in 
Europe,  damson  and  nut  trees  ;  there  arc  beasts  m 
irreat  abundance,  as  harts,  deer,  Lucernes  and  other 
kinds.  Their  boats  are  made  of  one  log,  by  the  aid 
of  tire  and  tools  of  stone,  and  of  sufficient  capacity 
to  carry  ten  or  tifteen  men. 

"We  saw  their  houses,  made  in  circular  form,  ten 
or  twelve  paces  in  compass,  covered  with  mats  ot 
straw,  wrou^sht  cunningly  together.  They  live  long 
and  are  seldom  sick,  and  if  they  chance  to  fall  sick 
at  any  time,  they  heal  themselves  with  tire,  without 
any  physician,  and  they  say  that  they  die  for  very 


Verrazzano  describes  the  "entrance  to  the  bay  as 
lying  open  to  the  .south,  half  a  league  broad,  and 
being  entered  within  it,  between  the  east  and  the 
north,  it  stretches  twelve  leagues,  where  it  w^axeth 
broader  and  broader,  and  maketh  a  gulf  about 
twenty  leagues  in  compass,  wherein  are  line  small 
islands,  very  fruitful  and  pleasant,  among  which  . 
islands  any  great  navy  may  ride  safe.  This  land  is 
situated  in  the  parallel  of  Rome,  in  forty-one  de-  » 
grees  and  two  terces.    The  5th  of  May  we  departed." 

This  is  a  description  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  land 
bordering  on  our  bay,  of  the  Wampanoags,  and 
probably  of  the  ancestors  of  Massasoit,  more  than 
a  hundred  years  before  its  settlement  by  the  whites. 

The  visits  of  the  Northmen  to  our  bay  and  shores 
more  than   live   centuries   before   this   visit  of  Ver- 


razzaiio,  of  which  we  have  so  interesting  an  account, 
are  also  chiimed  to  be  well  authenticated.  I  have 
recently  noticed  that  Iceland  has  it  in  contemplation 
to  celebrate  the  present  year  (1874),  the  thousandth 
anniversary  of  the  settlement  of  the  island  in  874. 
The  Cologne  Gazette  makes  mention  of  this  proposed 
celebration,  and  says:  "As  early  as  860,  a  Dane 
named  Gardar  was  drifted  from  Scotland  in  stormy 
weather  northwards  to  an  unknown  coast.  lie  win- 
tered in  the  country  and  called  it  Gardarsholn. 
Shortly  thereafter  a  Norwegian,  Nadod,  was  also 
drifted  there.  In  >^Q^  the  island  was  visited  by 
another  Norwegian,  Floke,  who  remained  for  a  year 
there  and  named  it  Iceland.  Ingolf,  driven  into 
exile  on  account  of  cruelties  perpetrated  by  the 
Norwegian  King  Hagar  Haarsagar,  proceeded  in  874, 
with  his  foster  brother  to  Iceland,  and  they  founded 
the  earliest  settlements.  These  w^ere  near  the  place 
where  Reikjavik,  the  capital  of  the  island,  now 
stands.  Others  followed  the  two  brothers,  and  the 
island  was  soon  inhabited.  From  Iceland,  Green- 
land, it  is  known,  was  discovered,  and  from  it  hardy 
Norse  seamen,  about  the  year  1000,  reached  that 
part  of  the  coast  of  the  American  continent  now 
forming  Massachusetts.  It  is  consequently,"  con- 
tinues the  Gazette^  "not  without  some  historical  justi- 
fication that  the  celebrated  Norwegian  violinist,  Ole 
Bull,  has  been  collecting  subscriptions  among  his 
countrymen  to  erect  a  monument  to  the  Norwegian, 


Leif  Erikson,  the  first  discoverer  of  America,  as  the 
latter  touclied  American  ground  from  four  to  five 
hundred  years  before  Columbus,  and  there  are  indi- 
cations that  the  Genoese  was  not  only  acquainted 
with  the  voyages  of  the  old  Norse  sailors  to  America, 
but  that  they  were  not  without  influence  on  his  plan 
and  its  execution." 

It  is  believed  that  the  Leifs-booths  of  Erikson  was 
at  Mount  Hope  (Jlon  Top  of  the  Norsemen,  Moni 
Haup  of  the  Indians,  and  Mount  Hope  of  the 
Eno-lish)  in  Bristol,  where  he  and  his  crew  landed 
and  built  houses  and  wintered  at  the  very  beginning 
of  the  eleventh  century. 

There  was  known  to  the  early  English  settlers  in 
Bristol,  a  rock  upon  the  west  shore  of  Mount  Hope 
Bay,  on  the  surface  of  which  were  inscriptions  in  an 
unknown  tongue.  These  inscriptions  were  believed 
to  be  traces  of  the  Northmen's  visit.  This  rock  w^as 
lost  sight  of  for  many  years,  and  it  was  supposed 
had  been  destroyed.  Prof.  J.  Lewis  Dinian,  when 
a  young  student,  wrote  some  historical  sketches  of 
his  native  town  under  the  head  of  "  Annals  of 
Bristol,"  which  were  published  in  the  Bristol  Phenix 
in  1845-G.  In  these  sketches  he  gives  a  detailed 
account  of  the  visit  of  Thorfinn,  a  distinguished 
Northman,  to  these  shores  in  1007,  with  three  ships 
and  160  men.  The  first  ship  was  commanded  b}^ 
Thorfinn  and  Snorre  Thorbandson,  also  of  distin- 
guished lineage.     The  second  by  Bjarne  Grimalfson 


and  Thorhiill  Ganilasoii,  and  the  third  by  Thorward 
or  Thorhall.  The  first  and  third  retnrned  to  Green- 
land after  an  absence  of  more  than  three  years. 
The  second,  commanded  by  Grimalfson,  never  re- 
tnrned to  Greenland,  and  of  her  fate  I  shall  here- 
after speak.  Prof.  Diman,  in  closing  his  account, 
says:  "The  only  trace  which  has  been  left  by  the 
Northmen,  of  their  wintering  in  Bristol,  is  a  rock 
situated  near  the  'Narrows.'  This  rock  was  said  to 
have  been  covered  with  characters  in  an  unknown 
tongue,  but  was  unfortunately  destroyed  by  a  heed- 
less hand.  This  circumstance  can  never  cease  to  be 

This  interesting  relic  has  been  recently  rediscov- 
ered. The  rock  lies  upon  the  shore  of  the  farm  of 
Doctor  Charles  H.  R.  Doringh,  between  Mount 
Hope  and  the  Narrows.  It  is  what  is  termed  by 
geologists  as  "graywacke,"  and  is  about  ten  and  a 
half  by  six  and  a  half  feet  in  size,  of  oblong  shape, 
and  about  twenty-one  inches  thick,  with  a  nearly 
flat  surface.  Jn  company  with  Doctor  Doringh,  who 
takes  a  lively  interest  in  the  matter,  I  visited  this 
rock  for  the  first  time,  last  autumn,  and  scanned  the 
strange  inscriptions  upon  its  surface  with  much 

They  certainly  bear  marks  of  gi'eat  antiquity. 
The  rock  is  bare  at  low  water,  but  its  surface  is 
washed  by  the  full  of  the  sea.  The  most  prominent 
figure  npon  it  is  that  of  a  boat,  the  outlines  of  which 


are  cleurly  cut,  and  it  is  of  such  peculiar  shape  that 
it  possibly  may  aid  iu  the  sohition  of  the  problem  of 
its   nationality.     Let   us   imagine  that  a  boat's  crew 
went  ashore  from  the  vessel  at  anchor  in  the  bay  for 
a   stroll   upon  the  land  ;  or   it  may  be  upon  a  more 
important  mission,  to  explore  the  land  and  communi- 
cate with  its  inhabitants  ;  that  they  left  one  of  their 
numl)er  as  boat  keeper  during  their  absence  ;  'that  to 
while  away  the  time  he  engraved  his  name  upon  this 
rock,  and  the  boat  lying  upon  the  shore,  directly  in 
front  of  him,  he  also  engraved  her  outlines  upon  the 
rock.     These  characters  cover  but  a  very  small  por- 
tion  of  the   surface   of  the  rock,   and    being    much 
worn  by  the  action  of  the  elements,  during  the  long 
ages  they  have  been  there,  it  is  not  surprising  that 
they   were   lost  sight   of  for  so  many  years.      [S^ee 
Appendix  A.'] 

Canon  Kingsley  introduced  his  eloquent  and  thril- 
linjr  lecture  on  the  Northmen  as  the  first  discoverers 
of  America,  which  he  delivered  in  Boston  on  the 
23d  of  February  last  (1874)  with  a  story,  the  scene 
of  which  was  the  North  Atlantic  863  years  ago.  It 
runs  thus  :  "  Rjarne  Grimalfson  was  blown  with  his 
ship  into  the  Irish  ocean,  and  there  came  worms  and 
the  ship  began  to  sink  under  them.  They  had  a 
boat  which  they  had  payed  with  seal's  blubber,  for 
that  the  sea  worms  will  not  hurt.  But  when  they 
got  into  the  l)oat,  they  saw  that  it  would  not  hold 
them  all.     Then  said  Bjarne  :  'As  the  boat  will  only 


hold  the  half  of  us,  my  advice  is  that  we  should 
draw  lots  who  shall  go  iu  her,  for  that  will  not  he 
unworthy  of  our  manhood.'  This  advice  seemed 
so  good  that  none  gainsaid  it,  and  they  drew  lots. 
And  the  lot  fell  to  Bjarne,  that  he  should  go  in  the 
boat  with  half  his  crew.  But  as  he  went  into  the 
boat,  there  spake  an  Icelander  who  was  in  the  ship 
and  had  followed  Bjarne  from  Iceland :  ^Art  thou 
going  to  leave  me  here,  Bjarne?'  Quoth  Bjarne: 
'  So  it  must  be.'  Then  said  the  man  :  ^Another  thing 
didst  thou  promise  my  father  when  I  sailed  with 
thee  from  Iceland  than  to  desert  me  thus.  For  thou 
saidst  that  we  should  both  share  the  same  lot.' 
Bjarne  said  :  'And  that  we  will  not  do.  Get  thee 
down  into  the  boat,  and  I  will  get  up  into  the  ship, 
now  that  I  see  thou  art  so  greedy  after  life.'  So 
Bjarne  w^ent  up  into  the  ship,  and  the  man  down 
into  the  boat,  and  the  boat  went  on  its  voyage 
till  they  came  to  Dublin  in  Ireland.  But  most  men 
say  that  Bjarne  and  his  companions  perished  among 
the  worms,  for  they  were  never  heard  of  after." 

"And  this  story,"  adds  Mr.  Kingsley,  '  "should 
have  a  special  interest  for  Americans.  For,  as 
American  antiquaries  are  well  aware,  Bjarne  was  on 
his  voyage  home  from  the  coast  of  New  England, 
possibly  from  that  very  Mount  Hope  Bay,  which 
seems  to  have  borne  the  same  name  in  the  time  of 
those  old  Norsemen  as  afterwards  in  the  days  of 
King  Philip." 


Is  this  inscription,  cut  into  the  surface  of  the  rock 
on  Blount  Hope  B.iy,  the  name  of  one  of  the  crew 
of  Bjarne's  worm-eaten  ship?  It  thrills  one  to  think 
that  it  may  be  even  so.  Not  the  name,  we  hope,  of 
the  craven  who  basely  saved  his  own  life  at  the 
sacriiice  of  that  of  his  heroic  commander,  but  rather 
the  name  of  one  of  the  fated  company  who  accepted 
his  hard  lot  without  murmur,  and  went  down  to  his 
watery  grave  without  complaint. 

These  Northmen  were  probably  the  first  Europeans 
the  Indians  ever  looked  upon. 

The  first  Enoflishman  known  to  have  visited  Mas- 
sasoit,  was  Captain  Thomas  Dermer,  in  1619.  The 
account  says  he  sailed  from  Monhigon  (Maine), 
thence  in  that  month  (May)  for  Virginia,  in  an  open 
pinnace,  consequently  was  obliged  to  keep  close  in 
shore.  He  found  places  which  had  been  inhabited, 
but  at  that  time  contained  no  people  ;  and  further 
onward  nearly  all  were  dead,  of  a  great  sickness, 
which  was  then  prevailing,  but  had  nearly  abated. 
When  he  came  to  Patuxet  (now  Plymouth)  all  were 
dead.  From  thence  he  travelled  a  day's  journey 
into  the  country  westward  to  Namasket  (now  Mid- 
dleborough).  From  this  place  he  sent  a  messenger 
to  visit  Massasoit.  In  this  expedition  he  reclaimed 
two  Frenchmen  from  Massasoit's  people,  who  had 
been  cast  away  on  the  coast  three  years  before.  In 
a  letter,  under  date  of  December  27,  1619,  Captain 
Dermer  writes  as  follows  :     ''•  When  I  arived  at  my 


savage's  (Sqiianto)  native  country,  tinding  all  dead, 
I  travelled  alongst  a  day's  journey,  to  a  place  called 
Nummastaguyt,  where,  tinding  inhabitants,  I  des- 
patched a  messenger  a  day's  journey  farther  west,  to 
Pokanokit,  which  bordereth  on  the  sea ;  whence 
came  to  see  me  two  kings,  attended  with  a  guard  of 
fifty  armed  men,  who  being  well  satisfied  with  that 
my  savage  and  I  discoursed  unto  them  (being  desir- 
ous of  novelty),  gave  me  content  in  whatsoever  I 
demanded,  where  I  found  that  former  relations  were 
true."  The  two  kings  mentioned,  were  probably 
Massasoit  and  his  brother  Quadaquina.  Captain 
Dermer  says  that  the  savages  would  have  killed  him 
at  Namasket,  had  not  Squanto  entreated  hard  for 
him.  Squanto  (or  Squantum,  alias  Tisquantum,  for 
he  was  known  by  all  these  names,)  was  one  of  the 
five  natives  carried  from  the  coast  of  New  England 
in  1G05,  by  Captain  George  Weymouth,  who  had 
been  sent  out  from  England  to  discover  a  northwest 
passage.  Squanto,  who  had  just  returned  from  En- 
gland with  Dermer,  and  who  was  a  native  of  Patux- 
et,  or  Plymouth,  was  s:iid  to  have  been  the  only  per- 
son belonging  in  that  section  of  country  who  sur- 
vived the  great  plague.  He  was  very  useful  to  the 
English  as  a  guide  through  the  Indian  country  from 
Plymouth  to  Narragansett  Bay,  and  also  as  an  inter- 
preter, in  their  early  intercourse  with  the  natives. 
He  died  in  December,  1G22. 

At  the  time  of  the  arrival  of  the  English  at  Ply- 


month,  the  territory  of  the  Wampanoag  Tribe  of 
Indians,  over  whom  Massasoit  was  Chief  Sachem, 
extended  over  nearly  all  the  sontheastern  part  of 
Massachnsetts,  from  Cape  Cod  to  Narragansett  Bay. 
The  district  of  country  under  the  immediate  govern- 
ment of  Massasoit,  was  what  is  now  Bristol  County 
and  East  Providence,  in  this  State,  and  parts  of 
Swanzey,  Seekonk  and  Rehoboth,  in  Massachusetts. 
It  was  known  by  the  Indian  name  of  Pokanoket. 
The  plague  which  broke  out  among  the  Indians  in 
iniG,  and  was  so  fatal  to  many  portions  of  the  tribe, 
(and  which,  I  may  add,  is  regarded  as  a  special  in- 
terposition of  Divine  Providence  in  behalf  of  our 
Pilgrim  Fathers,  in  opening  up  a  large  section  of 
country  for  their  occupation,  with  few  or  no  natives 
to  oppose  them,)  was  comparatively  mild  in  its  rav- 
ages on  Mount  Hope  Xeck.  The  fact  that  here  was 
the  head  tribe  of  the  nation,  and  the  residence  of  its 
principal  Chief,  together  with  the  fertility  of  the  soil, 
and  uncommon  facilities  for  fishins:,  caused  it  to  be 
more  thickly  settled  than  any  other  portion  of  Mas- 
sasoit's  domains.  There  were,  probably,  in  1620, 
not  less  than  four  large  Indian  villages  on  the  Neck, 
—  one  at  Mount  Hope,  another  at  the  head  of  the 
Cove,  near  the  Asylum  in  Bristol,  a  third  at  Kicke- 
muit,  around  the  spring  there,  and  a  fourth  at  So- 
wams,  or  Sowamset,  in  Warren.  In  fact  the  whole 
Neck  along  the  shore,  on  all  sides,  abounds  in  evi- 
dences of  Indi^^n  occupation,  in  the  great  mass  of 


shells  mixed  hi  the  soil  to  the  depth  of  several  feet. 
Human  bones  have  been  often  disinterred  in  plough- 
ing up  the  soil,  and  Indian  implements,  warlike  and 
domestic,  have  been  unearthed  in  ahiiost  every  sec- 
tion that  has  been  brought  under  cultivation.  Forty 
or  fifty  years  ago,  these  relics  were  very  numerous 
and  w^ere  regarded  with  but  slight  interest.  Of  late, 
however,  they  have  become  scarce,  and  it  is  to  be 
regretted  that  the  towns  which  abounded  in  these 
evidences  of  aboriginal  occupancy,  did  not,  years 
ago,  take  steps  to  collect  specimens  of  them.  I  have 
no  doubt  they  would  be  regarded  with  deep  interest 
by  future  generations.* 

Massasoit,  it  is  known,  visited  the  English  in 
March  following  their  landing  at  Plymouth  in  De- 
cember, 1G20,  and  readily  entered  into  a  treaty  with 
them,  which  was  faithfull}^  kept  on  his  part  to  the 
day  of  his  death,  a  period  of  more  than  forty  years. 
He  was  undoubtedly  prompted  to  make  this  treaty 
in  order  to  gain  an  ally  as  important  and  valuable  as 
the  English,  with  their  fire-arms  would  be,  to  protect 
him  against  his  rival,  Canonicus,  the  Sachem  of  the 
powerful  tribe  of  Narragansetts,  who  inhabited  the 
lands  on  the  Avest  side  of  the  bay,  and  who  had 
already,  taking  advantage  of  the  weak  condition  to 
which  the  plague  had  reduced  the  Wampanoags,  en- 

*The  Faculty  of  Brown  University  have  recently  started  a  museum  at  that 
institution,  in  which,  through  the  zealous  efforts  of  Professor  J.  W.  P.  Jenks, 
Curator,  are  already  gathered  many  articles  of  rare  interest.  Stone  imple- 
ments and  other  Indian  relics  are  a  prominent  feature  of  the  collection. 



crouched  upon  their  domains.  They  had  taken  pos- 
session of  Aquetneck  (Rhode  Island),  and  the  ishmd 
was  afterwards  sold  by  JNIiantonomi  to  John  Clarke 
and  others  for  a  settlement. 

A  few  months  after  this  visit  of  Massasoit  to  the 
Pilgrims,  Governor  Bradford  decided  to  send  a  depu- 
tation to  return  his  visit,  for  the  following  specified 
objects  :  To  make  him  a  present ;  to  learn  the  exact 
place  of  his  residence;  to  see  the  country;  to  con- 
firm the  treaty  made  in  March,  and  to  procure  seed 
corn.  Accordingly,  on  the  3d  of  Jul}^  1621,  Ed- 
Avard  Winslow  (afterwards  Governor  of  Plymouth 
Colony)  and  Stephen  Hopkins,  with  Squanto  for  a 
guide,  commenced  their  journey  through  the  woods 
from  Plymouth  to  Narragansett  Bay.  By  consulting 
Winslow's  narrative  in  Morton's  Memorial,  their 
route  is  easily  traced.  Their  first  stopping  place 
was  Namasket  (Middleborough),  at  which  point 
they  arrived  about  3  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  the 
inhabitants  entertaining  them  with  joy,  in  the  best 
manner  they  could,  with  a  kind  of  bread  they  called 
Maizium  and  the  spawn  of  shads,  which  then  they 
got  in  abundance;  "insomuch,"  says  Winslow,  "as 
they  gave  us  spoons  to  eat  them  ;  with  these  they 
boiled  musty  acorns,  but  of  the  shads  we  ate  heartily." 
They  continued  their  journey,  and  at  sunset  arrived 
at  a  point  on  Taunton  river  now  known  as  Titicut. 
Here  they  found  many  of  the  men  of  Namasket  fish- 
ing upon  a  weir,  which  they  made  on  the  river,  and 


caught  abiiiKliince  of  bass.  "These  welcomed  us 
also,"  sa3^s  the  narrative,  "gave  us  of  their  (ish  and 
\ve  theui  of  our  victuals,  not  doubtinof  we  should 
have  enousfh  wherever  we  came.  There  we  lods^ed 
in  the  open  fields,  for  houses  they  had  none,  though 
they  spent  most  of  the  summer  there.  Upon  it  (the 
river)  are  and  have  been  many  towns,  it  being  a 
o^ood  lens^th.  Thousands  of  men  have  lived  there 
which  died  in  a  great  phigue  not  long  since.  Upon 
this  river  dwelleth  Massasoit.  It  cometh  into  the 
sea  at  Narragansett  Bay."  The  next  morning,  after 
breakfast,  they  continued  their  journey,  being  accom- 
panied by  some  half  dozen  savages,  about  six  miles 
along  the  south  bank  of  the  river  to  a  known  shoal 
place  for  crossing.  As  they  attempted  to  cross  over, 
their  passage  was  resisted  by  two  savages  on  the 
opposite  bank  of  the  river,  one  of  them  a  very  old 
man,  who  with  great  courage  demanded  to  know 
who  they  were.  Finding  they  were  friends,  the 
savages  welcomed  them  with  such  food  as  they  had. 
Proceeding  on  their  journey,  the  weather  became 
very  hot  for  travel ;  "yet  the  country  [was]  so  well 
watered  that  a  man  could  scarce  be  dry,  l)ut  he 
should  have  a  spring  at  hand  to  cool  his  thirst, 
besides  small  rivers  in  abundance.  But  the  savages 
will  not  willingly  drink  but  at  a  spring  head." 
Passing  along  they  met  a  man  with  two  women 
which  had  been  at  rendezvous  by  the  salt  water,  and 
they  had  baskets  full  of  roasted  crab  fishes  and  other 


dried  shell  fish,  of  which  the  party  partook  and  then 
continued  their  journey.  Not  long  after  they  came 
to  a  town  of  Massasoit's,  called  Mattapoiset,  (at 
Gardner's  Neck  in  Swanzey),  where  they  ate  oysters 
and  other  fish.  From  there  they  went  to  Pokanoket, 
but  Massasoit  was  not  at  home.  He  was  sent  for, 
and  when  he  arrived  they  saluted  him  with  a  dis- 
charge of  their  guns. 

"For  answer  to  our  message,  he  told  us  we  were 
welcome,  and  he  w^ould  gladly  continue  that  peace 
and  friendship  which  was  between  him  and  us,  and, 
for  his  men,  they  should  no  more  pester  us  as  they 
had  done ;  also,  that  he  would  send  to  Paomet  and 
would  help  us  with  corn  for  seed,  according  to  our 

He  then  made  a  "great  speech"  to  his  men,  the 
substance  of  which  was  that  he  was  Massasoit,  com- 
mander of  the  country  about  them,  naming  some 
thirty  different  places,  and  they  should  bring  their 
skins  unto  the  English,  as  he  desired.  To  all  which 
they  answered  they  were  his,  and  would  be  at  peace 
with  the  English,  and  bring  their  skins  to  them. 
"Late  it  grew,  but  victuals  he  offered  none;  for 
indeed  he  had  not  any,  being  he  came  so  newly 
home.  So  we  desired  to  go  to  rest.  He  laid  us  on 
the  bed  with  himself  and  his  wife,  they  at  the  one 
end  and  we  at  the  other,  it  being  only  planks  laid 
a  foot  from  the  ground  and  a  thin  mat  upon  them. 
Two   more   of  his   chief  men,   for   want   of  room, 


pressed  by  aiul   upon   us,   so   that  we  were  worse 
weary  of  our  lodging  than  of  our  journey. 

"The  next  day  being  Thursday,  many  of  their 
Sachems  or  petty  governors  came  to  see  us,  and 
many  of  their  men  also.  About  one  o'clock  Massa- 
soit  brought  two  fishes  that  he  had  shot ;  they  were 
like  bream,  but  three  times  so  big  and  better  meat. 
These  being  boiled,  there  were  at  least  forty  looked 
for  share  in  them,  the  most  eat  of  them.  This  meal 
alone  we  had  in  two  nights  and  a  day,  and  had  not 
one  of  us  bought  a  partridge,  we  had  taken  our 
journey  [homeward]  fasting.  Very  importunate 
he  was  to  have  us  stay  with  them  longer.  But  we 
desired  to  keep  the  Sabbath  at  home,  and  feared  we 
should  either  be  light-headed  for  want  of  sleep,  for 
what  with  bad  lodo:ino^,  the  savaofes'  barbarous  sins^- 
ing  (for  they  used  to  sing  themselves  asleep),  lice 
and  fleas  within  doors  and  musquitoes  without,  we 
could  hardly  sleep  all  the  time  of  our  being  there, 
we  much  fearing  if  we  should  stay  any  longer,  we 
should  not  be  able  to  recover  home  for  want  of 
strength.  So  that  on  Friday  morning,  before  sun- 
rising,  we  took  our  leave  and  departed,  Massasoit 
beins  both  <rrieved  and  asliamed  that  he  could  not 
better  entertain  us."  This  lack  of  food  at  Massa- 
soit's  home  indicates  a  precarious  state  of  subsistence 
with  the  Indians.  Had  there  been  a  supply  at  Mount 
Hope,  or  anywhere  within  reach,  Massasoit  would 
undoubtedly   have  dispatched  messengers  for  it  on 


the  niirht  of  the  arrivjxl  of  his  distinguished  guests 
at  his  wigwam.  May  not  famine,  or  a  lack  of  nour- 
ishing- food,  have  been  the  primary  cause  of  the 
great  sickness  that  had  proved  so  fatal  to  the  Indians 
just  before  the  arrival  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Plymouth  ? 
On  their  return  journey  to  Plymouth  they  were  sup- 
plied Avith  some  food  by  the  natives,  but  were  thor- 
oughly drenched  with  a  great  rain,  and  reached 
home  Saturday  night,  "wet,  weary  and  surbated  " 

In  March,  1623,  news  came  to  Plymouth  that 
Massasoit  was  sick  and  "like  to  die,  and  that  at  the 
same  time,  there  was  a  Dutch  ship  driven  so  high  on 
the  shore  by  stress  of  weather,  right  before  his 
dw^elling,  that  till  the  tides  increased  she  could  not 
be  got  off.  Now  it  being  a  commendable  manner  of 
the  Indians,  when  any,  especially  of  note,  are  dan- 
gerously sick,  for  all  that  profess  friendship  to  them 
to  visit  them  in  their  extremity,  therefore  it  was 
thought  meet,  that  as  we  had  ever  professed  friend- 
ship, so  we  should  now  maintain  the  same  by  observ- 
ing this  their  laudable  custom ;  and  the  rather, 
because  we  desired  to  have  some  conference  with 
the  Dutch."  To  that  end  the  Governor  again  dis- 
patched Winslow,  accompanied  by  John  Hamden, 
with  Ilobbamok  for  guide,  on  the  mission.  The 
first  night  they  lodged  at  Namasket.  The  next  day 
they  came  to  a  ferry  on  Taunton  river,  in  Corbatant's 
country.  There  they  were  told  that  Massasoit  was 
dead  and  that  day  buried,  and  that  the  Dutch  w^ould 


be  gone  before  they  could  get  thither,  having  hove 
off  their  ship  already.  "This  news,"  says  the  narra- 
tive, "struck  them  blank,  but  especially  Hobbamok, 
who  desired  that  we  might  return  with  all  speed. 
Considering  now  that  he  being  dead,  Corbatant  was 
the  most  like  to  succeed  him,  and  that  we  were  not 
above  three  miles  from  Mattapoiset,  his  dwelling- 
place,  I  thought  no  time  so  fit  as  this  to  enter  into 
more  friendly  terms  with  him,  and  the  rest  of  the 
Sachems  thereabouts.  I  resolved  to  j)ut  it  in  prac- 
tice, if  Master  Hamdeu  and  Hobbamok  durst  attempt 
it  with  me,  whom  I  found  willing  to  that  or  any 
other  course  might  tend  to  the  public  good." 
So  they  went  towards  Mattapoiset.  "In  the  way 
Hobbamok  manifesting  a  troubled  spirit,  brake  forth 
into  these  speeches:  ^Neen  womasu  Sagimus ! 
Neen  womasu  Sagimus  !  My  loving  Sachem  !  My 
loving  Sachem  !  Many  have  I  known,  but  never 
any  like  thee.'  And  turning  him  to  me,  said : 
*  Whilst  I  lived  I  should  never  see  his  like  amongst 
the  Indians,  saying  he  was  no  liar ;  he  was  not 
bloody  and  cruel,  like  other  Indians  ;  in  anger  and 
passion  he  was  soon  reclaimed ;  easy  to  be  recon- 
ciled towards  such  as  had  offended  him ;  and  that  he 
governed  his  men  better  with  few  strokes  than  others 
did  with  many  ;  trul}'  loving  where  he  loved  ;  yea, 
he  feared  we  had  not  a  faithful  friend  left  among  the 
Indians,  showino:  how  he  oft  times  restrained  their 
malice,  etc.,   continuing  a  long  speech,  with   such 


sii^ns  of  lamentation  and  unfeigned  sorrow,  as  it 
would  have  made  the  hardest  heart  relent."  When 
they  reached  Mattapoiset,  Corbatant,  the  Sachem, 
was  not  at  home  but  at  Pokanoket,  which  was  some 
five  or  six  miles  off.  Corbatant's  wife  gave  them 
friendly  entertainment.  Inquiring  again  concerning 
Massasoit,  they  thought  him  dead  but  knew  no  cer- 
tainty. Whereupon  one  was  hired  to  go  with  all 
expedition  to  Pokanoket,  to  knov>^  the  certainty 
thereof,  and  withal  to  acquaint  Corbatant  of  their 
presence  at  his  house.  The  messenger  returned  just 
before  sunset  with  the  news  that  Massasoit  was  not 
dead,  though  there  was  no  hope  that  they  would  find 
him  living.  Upon  this  they  were  much  revived,  and 
set  forward  w^ith  all  speed,  though  it  was  late  within 
night  ere  they  got  thither.  About  two  of  the  clock 
that  afternoon  the  Dutchman  departed,  so  that  in 
that  respect  their  journey  was  "frustrate." 

When  they  reached  Massasoit's  residence,  they 
found  the  house  so  full  of  men  that  they  could  scarce 
get  in,  though  the  Indians  used  their  best  diligence 
to  make  way  for  them.  "There  were  they  in  the 
midst  of  their  charms  for  him,  making  such  hellish 
noise,  as  it  distempered  us  that  were  well,  and  there- 
fore unlike  to  ease  him  that  was  sick.  When  they 
had  made  an  end  of  their  charming,  one  told  him 
that  his  friends,  the  English,  were  come  to  see  him. 
Having  understanding  left,  but  his  sight  was  wholly 
gone,  he  asked  who  was  come?     They  told  him. 


He  desired  to  speak  with  me.  When  I  eame  to  him, 
he  put  forth  his  hand  to  me  which  I  took.  Then  he 
said  twice,  though  very  inwardly  :  'Keen  Winsnow?' 
(for  they  cannot  pronounce  the  letter  1),  which  is  to 
say:  'Art  thou  Winslow?'  I  answered:  'Ahhe,' 
that  is,  'Yes.'  Then  he  doubled  these  Avords  :  'O, 
Winslovy,  I  shall  never  see  thee  again.'" 

Then  Hobbamok,  under  instructions  from  Wins- 
low,  told  Massasoit  that  "the  Governor  hearing  of 
his  sickness,  was  sorry  for  the  same,  and  though,  by 
reason  of  many  businesses  he  could  not  come  him- 
self, yet  he  sent  me  [Winslow]  with  such  things  for 
him  as  he  thought  most  likely  to  do  him  good  in 
this  his  extremity,  and  whereof  if  he  pleased  to  take, 
I  Avould  presently  give  him,  which  he  desired,  and 
having  a  confection  of  many  comfortable  conserves, 
etc.,  on  the  point  of  my  knife,  I  gave  him  some 
which  I  could  scarce  o^et  throus^h  his  teeth.  When 
it  was  dissolved  in  his  mouth  he  swallowed  the  juice 
of  it,  whereat  those  that  were  about  him  much  re- 
joiced, saying  he  had  not  swallowed  anything  in  two 
days  before." 

It  would  make  this  paper  too  long  to  give  the 
details  of  the  simple  means  used  by  Winslow  for  his 
restoration,  although  they  are  quite  interesting.  Suf- 
fice it  to  say,  that  God  blessed  these  means,  and  his 
sight  soon  came  to  him,  and  he  was  so  far  improved 
the  next  day,  as  to  desire  food.  Within  two  days 
thereafter,  his  restoration  was  so  well  assured,  that 


Winslow  and  his  conipjinion  decided  to  return  to 
Plymouth.  Massasoit  was  very  grateful,  acknowl- 
edo-in«>-  the  Enoflish  as  the  instruments  of  his  preser- 
vation.  He  said:  "Now  I  see  the  English  are  my 
friends  and  love  me  ;  and  whilst  I  live,  I  will  never 
forget  this  kindness  they  have  showed  me." 

At  their  leaving,  Massasoit  called  Hobbamok  to 
him,  and  privately  (none  save  two  or  three  braves 
who  were  of  his  council  being  present)  revealed  a 
plot  of  the  Massacheuseucks,  against  Weston's  Col- 
ony, and  so  against  them  of  Plymouth  ;  saying  that 
the  people  of  Nauset,  Paomet,  Succonet,  Mattachiett, 
Manomet,  Agowaywam,  and  the  Isle  of  Capawack, 
were  joined  with  them  ;  himself,  also,  in  his  sickness, 
was  earnestly  solicited  ;  but  he  would  neither  join 
them,  nor  give  way  to  any  of  his.  Therefore,  as  w^e 
respected  the  lives  of  our  countrymen,  and  our  own 
after  safety,  he  advised  us  to  kill  the  men  of  Massa- 
cheuseucks, who  were  the  authors  of  this  intended 
mischief.  And  whereas  we  were  wont  to  say,  we 
would  not  strike  a  stroke  till  they  first  began  ;  if, 
said  he,  upon  this  intelligence,  they  make  that  an- 
swer, tell  them,  when  their  countrymen  at  Wicha- 
guscusset  are  killed,  they  being  not  able  to  defend 
themselves,  that  then  it  will  be  too  late  to  recover 
their  lives ;  nay,  through  the  multitude  of  adversa- 
ries, they  shall  with  great  difficulty  preserve  their 
own,  and  therefore  he  counselled  without  delay  to 
take  away  the  principals,  and  then  the  plot  would 


cease.  With  this,  he  chtirged  him  thoroughly  to  :ic- 
quniut  mc  by  the  way,  that  I  might  inform  the  Gov- 
ernor thereof,  at  my  first  coming  home.  Being  fitted 
for  our  return,  we  took  our  leave  of  him;  who  re- 
turned many  thanks  to  our  Governor,  and  also  to 
ourselves,  for  our  labor  of  love  ;  the  like  did  all  they 
that  were  about  him.     So  we  departed. 

"  That  night  through  the  earnest  request  of  Cor- 
batant,  who  till  now  remained  at  Sowams,  or  Poka- 
noket,  we  lodged  with  him  at  Mattapoiset.  By  the 
way  I  had  much  conference  with  him  ;  so  likewise  at 
his  house,  he  being  a  notable  politician,  yet  full  of 
many  jests  and  squibs,  and  never  better  pleased  than 
when  the  like  are  returned  again  upon  him.  Amongst 
other  things  he  asked  me,  if  in  case  he  were  thus 
dangerously  sick,  as  Massasoit  had  been,  and  should 
send  word  thereof  to  Patuxet  for  maskiet,  that  is, 
physic,  whether  then  Mr.  Governor  would  send  it ; 
and  if  he  would,  whether  I  would  come  therewith  to 
him.  To  both  which  I  answered,  yea;  whereat  he 
gave  me  many  joyful  thanks.  Here  we  remained 
only  that  night,  but  never  had  better  entertainment 
amongst  any  of  them." 

The  day  following  Hobbamok  told  Winslow  of  the 
private  conference  with  Massasoit,  and  all  that  he 
charged  him  withal.  They  arrived  home  in  time  to 
prevent  Capt.  Standish  from  embarking  on  a  friendly 
visit  to  the  Massacheuseucks,atthe  importunate  solici- 
tation of  an  Indian  of  Paomet  (a  part  of  their  plot  to 


get  the  "mail  of  war"  in  their  power),  who  was  still 
present  on  their  arrival.  The  narrative  concludes  : 
"  But  their  secret  and  villainous  purposes,  being, 
through  God's  mercy,  now  made  known,  the  Gover- 
nor caused  Capt.  Standish  to  send  him  (the  Indian) 
away  without  any  distaste,  or  manifestation  of  anger, 
that  he  might  the  better  effect  and  bring  to  pass  that 
which  should  be  thouirht  most  necessary." 

This  timely  disclosure  of  Massasoit  enabled  Miles 
Standish  to  organize  his  notable  army  of  eight  men, 
who  surprised  the  Massacheusett  Indians  before  they 
had  time  to  execute  their  plottings,  and  by  the  vigor 
of  his  movements,  and  personal  prowess,  effectually 
suppressed  all  further  attempts  to  carry  them  into 

These  reciprocal  acts  of  kindness  and  friendship 
between  the  English  and  Massasoit,  very  naturally 
caused  their  relations  to  be  more  intimate,  and  the 
route  through  the  woods  between  Plymouth  and 
Mount  Hope  Neck,  soon  became  a  well-worn  path. 
As  early  as  1632,  the  Plymouth  settlers  had  a  trad- 
ing post  at  Sowams.  So  warns  was  probably  the 
name  of  the  river  (what  is  now  known  as  Warren 
river),  where  the  two  Swanzey  rivers  meet,  and  run 
together  for  near  a  mile,  when  they  empty  themselves 
in  the  Narragansett  Bay.  The  trading  post  was  sup- 
posed to  have  been  located  on  the  Barrington  side  of 
the  river,  on  the  land  known  as    "Phebe's  Neck." 


This  hitter,  Jiiul  Aqiictneck,  were  the  two  places 
luiiiied  by  Roger  Williams  to  John  Clarke,  and  his 
associates,  as  desirable  locations  for  settlement. 
Inasmuch,  says  Callender,  "as  they  were  deter- 
mined to  go  out  of  every  other  jurisdiction,  Mr. 
Williams  and  Mr.  Clarke,  attended  with  two  other 
persons,  went  to  Plymouth  to  inquire  how  the  case 
stood.  They  were  lovingly  received,  and  answered 
that  Sow^ams  was  the  garden  of  their  Patent.  But 
they  were  advised  to  settle  at  Aquetneck,  and  prom- 
ised to  be  looked  on  as  free,  and  to  be  treated  and 
assisted  as  loving  neighbors."  And  so  John  Clarke, 
William  Coddington,  John  Coggeshall,  and  the  other 
gentlemen  associated  with  them,  who  left  Boston, 
"for  peace  sake,  and  to  enjoy  the  freedom  of  their 
consciences,"  settled  on  Rhode  Island  in  March,  1638. 

W^inslow's  narratives  of  his  two  visits  to  Massasoit, 
were  published  in  London,  the  first  in  1622,  and  the 
latter  in  1624.  They  are  both  republished  in  full  in 
Morton's  New  England  Memorial.  There  is  no 
doubt  that  Massasoit's  residence,  at  the  time  of  these 
visits,  was  on  the  Sowams  river,  in  what  is  now  the 
village  of  Warren.  The  late  Guy  M.  Fessenden,  in 
his  little  History  of  Warren,  which  contains  a  num- 
ber of  interesting  facts  in  this  connection,  clearly 
demonstrates  this.  At  the  foot  of  Baker  street,  in 
that  town,  is  a  living  spring  of  water,  called  Massa- 
soit's Spring,  and  doubtless  he  resided,  during  a  por- 
tion of  the  year,  neai-  this  spring.     In  the  winter 


months,  pro])al)ly  most  of  the  Iiidums  on  the  Neck, 
made  their  liome  at  Monnt  Hope,  Avhich  Avas  heavily 
wooded,  and  the  conformation  of  the  surface  such  as 
to  alford  great  protection  from  the  cold  north  winds 
and  storms.  As  soon  as  the  shores  were  clear  of 
snow  and  ice,  in  the  spring,  they  would  naturally 
flock  to  them,  for  shell-lish,  and  watch  for  the  com- 
ing of  the  early  sea  fish.  A  note  in  Morton's  Memo- 
rial, says  Massasoit  "  resided  at  So  warns,  or  Sowamp- 
set,  at  the  confluence  of  two  rivers  in  Rehoboth,  or 
Swanzey,  though  occasionally  at  Mont  Haup,  or 
Mount  Hope,  the  principal  residence  of  his  son 
Philip."  That  the  Indians  and  their  Chiefs  changed 
their  residences  from  plac6  to  place,  within  their 
domains  at  diflerent  seasons  of  the  year,  there  is 
abundant  proof.  Clark,  in  his  history  of  Norton, 
speaks  of  a  Well  known  resort  in  that  town,  as  the 
summer  residence  of  King  Philip. 

Roger  Williams,  when  banished  from  Massachu- 
setts, left  Salem  and  journeyed  through  the  wilder- 
ness to  Narragansett  Bay,  in  mid- winter,  and  un- 
doubtedly visited  Massasoit,  or  Ousemequin,  at 
Pokanoket  (whose  acquaintance  he  had  before  made) , 
and  perhaps  spent  days  with  him,  visiting  different 
portions  of  the  Bay,  and  making  himself  familiar 
with  the  "lay  of  the  land."  It  is  known  that  he  ob- 
tained from  Ousemequin  the  grant  of  land  at  Seekonk 
upon  which  he  first  settled  and  built. 

Isaack  De  Rasicres,  a  French  Protestant,  who  was 


Secretary  of  the  Colony  of  New  NetherlaiKls,  in 
10)27  was  dispatched  on  an  embassy  to  New  Ply- 
mouth, for  the  purpose  of  opening  trade  between 
the  two  colonies.  This  was  the  first  interview  or 
intercourse  between  the  Dutch  of  New  York  and  the 
Plymouth  Pilgrims.  De  Rasieres  made  a  favorable 
impression  upon  Governor  Bradford,  who  speaks  of 
him  as  "a  man  of  fair  and  genteel  behavior."  On 
his  return  to  Holland  near  the  close  of  the  same 
year,  1627,  he  wrote  a  very  interesting  letter,  des- 
cribing the  situation  of  New  Plymouth,  and  the 
manners  and  customs  of  the  Pilgrims.  He  also  gives 
the  following  description  of  the  customs  of  the  In- 
dians— the  Wampanoags.  He  says  :  "The  savages 
[there]  practice  their  youth  in  labor  better  than  the 
savages  round  about  us  [meaning  Ncav  Netherlands] 
— the  young  girls  in  sowing  maize,  the  young  men  in 
hunting.  They  teach  them  to  endure  privation  in  the 
field  in  a  singular  manner,  to  wit:  when  there  is  a 
youth  who  begins  to  approach  manhood,  he  is  taken 
by  his  father,  uncle,  or  nearest  friend,  and  is  con- 
ducted, blindfolded,  into  a  wilderness,  in  order  that 
he  may  not  know  the  way,  and  is  left  there  by  night 
or  otherwise,  with  a  bow  and  arrows,  and  a  hatchet 
and  a  knife.  He  must  support  himself  there  a  whole 
winter  with  what  the  scanty  earth  furnishes  at  this 
season,  and  by  hunting.  Towards  the  spring  they 
come  again,  and  fetch  him  out  of  it,  take  him  home, 
and  feed  him  up  again  until  May.     He  must  then  go 


out  again  eveiy  morning  with  the  person  who 
is  ordered  to  take  him  in  hand ;  he  must  go 
into  the  forest  to  seek  wild  herbs  and  roots  which 
they  know  to  be  most  poisonous  and  bitter ;  these 
they  bruise  in  water  and  press  the  juice  out  of  them, 
which  he  must  drink,  and  immediately  have  ready 
such  herl)s  as  will  preserve  him  from  death  or  vomit- 
ing; and,  if  he  cannot  retain  it,  he  must  repeat  the 
dose  until  he  can  support  it,  and  his  constitution 
becomes  accustomed  to  it,  so  that  he  can  retain  it. 
Then  he  comes  home,  and  is  brought  by  the  men 
and  women,  all  singing  and  dancing,  before  the 
Seckima,  and  if  he  has  been  able  to  stand  it  all  out 
well,  and  if  he  is  fat  and  sleek,  a  wife  is  given  to 
him."  And  we  may  add,  that  after  passing  through 
such  an  ordeal,  he  would  be  entitled  to  one,  and 
a  good  one,  too. 

The  Esquimaux  in  Greenland  have  a  custom,  as 
Telated  by  Doctor  Hayes,  somewhat  similar  to  this — 
where  a  young  man  must  show  his  prowess  by  hunt- 
ing alone  the  Polar  bear,  and  kill  and  return  with 
his  game  to  the  settlement,  before  he  is  deemed 
worthy  to  have  a  wife — and  then  he  must  show  his 
fleetness  of  foot,  running  the  gauntlet  of  all  the 
impediments  the  old  women  can  put  in  his  way  to 
catch  his  loved  one,  who  makes  great  efforts  to 
escape  him,  but  is  finally  caught,  of  course. 

Massasoit  had  a  large  family.  Besides  his  wife, 
it  is  known  that  he  had  two  brothers,  Quadequina 


aiul  Akkompoin  ;  three  sons,  the  first  known  by  the 
names  of  Mooauum,  Wamsitta  and  afterwards  as 
Alexander,  the  second  as  Pometaconi,  Metaconi  and 
afterwards  as  Philip,  and  the  third  as  Sunconewhew ; 
also  a  daughter  [see  Appendix  ^],  w^hose  name  is 
not  known,  but  Philip  in  a  letter  to  the  Plymouth 
government,  gives  an  excuse  for  not  visiting  them, 
as  requested,  that  his  sister  is  "verey  sike."  This 
letter  was  written  in  1062,  and  was  addressed  to 
Governor  Prince.  It  is,  amono^  other  interestinof 
memorials,  in  the  archives  of  the  Pilgrim  Society  at 
Plymouth.  There  is  to  be  added  to  those  already 
named  of  Massasoit's  family,  Namumpum  or  Weeta- 
nioe,  "Queen  of  Pocasset,"  the  wife  of  Alexander; 
Philip's  wife,  Wootouekanuske,  sister  to  Weetamoe, 
and  Philip's  son. 

Quadequina  is  described,  at  the  time  he  was  first 
known  to  the  English,  as  "a  very  proper,  tall  young 
man,  of  a  very  modest  and  seemly  countenance." 
He  held  a  high  position  in  his  brother's  government. 

Akkompoin  held  an  important  position  in  Philip's 
ofovernment,  sisfnino^  deeds  of  land  and  treaties  made 
by  Philip,  and  was  also  his  counsellor  in  Philip's 

Wamsitta  or  Alexander,  the  oldest  son  of  Massa- 
soit,  was  associated  with  his  father  in  the  Wam- 
panoag  government  for  a  number  of  years  previous 
to  Massasoit's  death,  and  after  that  event  succeeded 
to  the  Sachemship. 


Massiisoit  died  in  IGlU.  Published  documents 
prove  him  to  have  been  alive  in  May,  1661,  and 
verv  probably  so  late  as  September  in  that  year.  In 
a  letter  of  Roger  Williams,  of  the  date  of  December 
13,  1661,  he  refers  to  Massasoit  as  being  dead. 
He  writes:  "Ausamaquin,  the  Sachem  aforesaid, 
also  deceased."  If,  when  he  first  visited  the  English 
at  Plymouth,  and  was  described  as  "in  his  best 
years,"  he  was  about  forty  years  old  ;  he  must  have 
been  nearly  or  quite  eighty  years  of  age,  at  the  time 
of  his  death. 

The  personal  appearance  of  Massasoit,  when  he 
first  became  known  to  the  English,  is  thus  given  : 
"The  King  is  a  portly  man,  in  his  best  years,  grave 
of  countenance,  spare  of  speech."  Trumbull,  in  his 
"Indian  Wars,"  says:  "He  seems  to  have  been  a 
most  estimable  man.  He  was  -  just,  humane  and 
l)eneficent,  true  to  his  word,  and  in  every  respect 
an  honest  man."  Other  early  writers  also  speak  of 
him  in  a  similar  strain.  That  he  was  no  ordinary 
man  is  abundantly  evident.  Fessenden,  in  his  His- 
tory of  Warren,  to  which  I  have  before  referred, 
pays  him  the  following  tribute  :  "Massasoit,  though 
a  heathen,  proves  himself  true  to  the  dictates  which 
the  light  of  nature  suggested.  He  possessed  all  the 
elements  of  a  great  mind  and  a  noble  heart.  With 
the  advantages  of  civilized  life  and  the  light  which 
a  pure  Christianity  would  have  supplied,  he  might 
have  achieved   a  brilliant  destiny,   and   occupied   a 


high  niche  in  the  temple  of  fame.  In  all  the 
memorials  which  have  come  clown  to  us,  Massasoit's 
character  stands  above  reproach.  No  one  has  ever 
charged  him  with  evil.  From  the  time  when  he 
repaired  to  Plymouth,  March  22,  1621,  to  welcome 
the  Pilgrims  and  to  tender  to  them  his  friendship,  till 
the  time  of  his  death, — when  they  were  weak  and 
defenceless,  encountering  sickness,  want  and  death, 
when  at  ahiiost  any  moment  Massasoit  could  have 
exterminated  them,  in  no  one  instance  did  he  depart 
from  those  plain  engagements  of  treaty  which  he 
made  when  he  plighted  his  fliith  to  strangers.  He 
was  not  only  their  uniform  friend,  but  their  protec- 
tor, at  times  when  his  protection  was  equivalent  to 
their  preservation." 

I  cannot  more  fittingly  close  this  notice  of  Massa- 
soit than  by  showing  how  dearly  his  memory  was 
cherished  by  the  descendants  of  the  Pilgrims,  more 
than  a  hundred  years  after  his  death.  At  the  first 
celebration  of  the  "Landing  of  the  Pilgrims,"  or 
" P'orefather's  Day,"  which  took  place  at  Plymouth 
on  Friday,  December  22d,  1769,  under  the  auspices 
of  the  Old  Colony  Club,  which  was  organized  in 
that  year,  the  fifth  regular  toast  was  given  as  fol- 
lows : 

"To  the  memory  of  Massasoit— our  first  and  best  frientl,  :ind 
ally  of  the  natives.'- 


PART    II. 

[Uead  before  the  Khode  Island  Historical  Society,  in  Providence,  March  IG,  1875.1 

In  my  first  paper  on  the  Wampanoag  Tribe  of 
Indians,  read  before  this  Society,  on  Tuesday  eve- 
ning, March  17th,  1874,  I  stated  that  Wamsitta,  the 
oldest  son,  was  associated  with  his  father,  Massasoit, 
in  the  Wampanoag  government,  for  a  number  of 
years  previous  to  Massasoit's  death,  and  after  that 
event,  which  occurred  in  the  hitter  part  of  the  year 
1661,  succeeded  to  the  Chief  Sachemship. 

In  1()62,  Wamsitta,  and  his  younger  brother, 
Pometacom,  repaired  to  Plymouth,  and  "professing 
great  respect,"  requested  that  English  names  might 
be  given  them.  The  Court,  in  response  to  their 
request,  named  them  respectively  Alexander  and 
Philip  —  it  is  supposed,  after  Alexander  the  Great, 
and  Philip  of  Macedon.  Very  soon  after  this  event, 
and  in  the  same  year,  Governor  Prince,  of  Plymouth, 
learning  that  Alexander  was  plotting  rebellion  against 
the  English,  sent  Major  Josiah  Winslow,  with  an 
armed  force,  to  arrest  him,  and  bring  him  to  Ply- 


month,  to  answer  to  the  charge.  Some  time  before 
this,  Governor  Prince  had  sent  a  messenger  to  Alex- 
ander, at  Monnt  Hope,  to  inform  him  of  these  re- 
ports of  his  liostile  intentions,  and  to  request  him  to 
attend  the  next  Court  in  Plj'mouth,  to  vindicate 
himself  from  these  charges.  Alexander,  it  is  stated, 
denied  the  charges,  and  promised  to  attend  the  Court 
as  requested.  But  when  the  Court  met,  instead  of 
making  his  appearance,  he  was  found  to  be  on  a  visit 
to  the  Sachem  of  the  Narragansetts,  his  pretended 

And  let  us  here  consider  for  a  moment,  the  changed 
condition  of  the  two  races.  The  lands  of  the  In- 
dians were  rapidly  passing  away  from  the  native  pro- 
prietors to  the  new-comers,  and  English  settlements 
w^ere  everywhere  springing  up  in  the  wilderness. 
As  the  forests  were  cleared,  and  the  settlements  in- 
creased, the  wild  game,  on  which  the  Indian  largely 
relied  for  his  subsistence,  grew  scarce,  while  the 
more  valuable  of  the  fishing  resorts  were  monopo- 
lized by  the  English.  It  was  evident  that  the  Indian 
power  was  rapidly  declining,  while  that  of  the  white 
man  was  on  the  increase.  And  as  is  forcibly  de- 
picted by  Abbott,  in  his  "  History  of  King  Philip," 
"with  prosperity  came  avarice.  Unprincipled  men 
flocked  to  the  colonies  ;  the  Indians  were  depised, 
and  often  harshly  treated  ;  and  the  forbearance  2chkh 
marked  the  early  intercourse  of  the  Pilgrims  icith  the 
mitives  teas  forgotten,'"      It  cannot  be  denied  that 


many  of  the  savages  had  been  greatly  demoralized 
by  contact  with  the  Avhites,  and  were  constantly 
committing  depredations  upon  them,  shooting  their 
cattle,  piUaging  their  houses,  and  sometimes  com- 
mitting mnrder.  We  may  imagine  that  it  was  quite 
as  difficult  for  the  Sachems  to  restrain  these  vaga- 
bonds, as  it  is  for  civilized  society  to  keep  in  check 
its  bad  classes.  It  will  thus  be  seen  that  there  were 
constant  sources  of  irritation  upon  both  sides,  and 
ample  cause  for  alienation  aud  suspicion. 

When  Governor  Prince  learned  of  Alexander's 
visit  to  the  Narragansetts,  and  of  his  apparent  treach- 
ery, he  "assembled  his  counselors,  and,  after  delib- 
eration, ordered  Major  Winslow,  afterward  governor 
of  the  colony,  to  take  an  armed  band,  go  to  Mount 
Hope,  seize  Alexander  by  surprise,  before  he  should 
have  time  to  rally  his  warriors  around  him,  and  take 
him  by  force  to  Plymouth."  This  was  certainly  a 
deliberate  act  ofivar.  "  Major  Winslow  immediately 
set  out,  with  ten  men,  from  Marshfield,  intending  to 
increase  his  force  from  the  towns  nearer  to  Mount 
Hope.  When  about  half  way  between  Plymouth 
and  Bridge  water,  they  came  to  a  large  pond,  proba- 
bly Moonponsett  Pond,  in  the  present  town  of  Hali- 
fax. Upon  the  margin  of  this  sheet  of  water,  they 
saw  an  Indian  hunting  lodge,  and  soon  ascertainecj 
that  it  was  one  of  the  several  transient  residences  of 
Alexander,  and  that  he  was  then  there,  with  a  large 
party  of  his  warriors,  on  a  hunting  and  fishing 


"The  colonists  ctiutiously  approached,  and  saw 
that  the  guns  of  the  Indians  were  all  stacked  outside' 
of  the  lodge,  at  some  distance,  and  that  the  whole 
party  were  in  the  house,  engaged  in  a  banquet.  As 
the  Wampanoags  were  then,  and  had  been  for  forty 
years,  at  peace  with  the  English,  and  as  they  were 
not  at  war  with  any  other  people,  and  were  in  the 
very  heart  of  their  own  territory,  no  precautions 
whatever  were  adopted  against  surprise. 

"  Major  Winslow  despatched  a  portion  of  his  force 
to  seize  the  guns  of  the  Indians,  and  with  the  rest 
entered  the  hut.  The  savages,  eighty  in  number, 
manifested  neither  surprise  nor  alarm  in  seeing  the 
English,  and  were  apparently  quite  unsuspicious  of 
danger.  Major  Winslow  requested  Alexander  to 
walk  out  w^ith  him  for  a  few  moments,  and  then, 
through  an  interpreter,  informed  the  proud  Indian 
chieftain  that  he  was  to  be  taken  under  arrest  to  Pl}^- 
mouth,  there  to  answer  to  the  charge  of  plotting 
against  the  English.  The  haughty  savage,  as  soon 
as  he  fully  comprehended  the  statement,  was  in  a 
towering  rage.  He  returned  to  his  companions,  and 
declared  that  he  would  not  submit  to  such  an  indig- 
nity." There  being  some  indications  of  resistance, 
the  stern  major  presented  a  pistol  to  the  breast  of 
Alexander,  and  said  :  ''I  am  ordered  to  take  you  to 
Plymouth.  God  willing,  I  shall  do  it,  at  whatever 
hazard.  If  you  submit  peacefully,  you  shall  receive 
respectful  usage.  If  you  resist,  you  shall  die  upon 
the  spot." 


The  Indians  were  disarmed,  and  could  do  nothing  ; 
Alexander  was  almost  insane  with  vexation  and  rage 
in  finding  himself  thus  insulted,  and  yet  incapable  of 
making  any  resistance.  His  followers,  conscious  of 
the  utter  helplessness  of  their  state,  entreated  him 
not  to  resort  to  violence,  which  would  only  result  in 
his  death.  They  urged  him  to  yield  to  necessity, 
assuring  him  that  they  would  accompany  him  as  his 
retinue,  that  he  might  appear  in  Plymouth  with  the 
dignity  ])eHtting  his  rank. 

The  colonists  immediately  commenced  their  return 
to  Plymouth  with  their  illustrious  captive.  There 
was  a  large  party  of  Indian  warriors  in  the  train,  with 
"Wetamoe,  the  wife  of  Alexander,  and  several  other 
Indian  women.  The  day  was  intensely  hot,  and  a 
horse  was  tendered  to  the  chieftain  that  he  might 
ride  ;  but  he  declined  the  ofier,  preferring  to  walk 
with  his  friends.  When  they  arrived  at  Duxbiiry, 
as  they  did  not  want  to  thrust  Alexander  into  a 
prison.  Major  Winslow  received  him  into  his  own 
house,  where  he  guarded  him  with  vigilance,  yet 
treated  him  courteously,  until  orders  could  be  re- 
ceived from  Governor  Prince,  who  resided  on  the 
Cape  at  Eastham.  At  Duxbury,  Alexander  and  his 
train  were  entertained  for  several  days  with  the  most 
scrupulous  hospitality.  But  the  imperial  spirit  of 
the  \Vami)anoag  chieftain  w^as  so  tortured  by  the 
humiliation  to  which  he  was  subjected  that  he  was 
thrown  into  a  burning  fever.     The  best  medical  at- 


tendance  was  furnished,  and  he  was  nursed  with  the 
u  m    t  eare,  but  he  g.ew  daily  worse,  and  sorsoW 
ous  f  ars  were  entertained  that  he  would  die. 

hpin      ,    ,     .''"  '''"■'■'""'■''  ^""'^^y  «l'"-med  for  their 
beloved  ch.eftain,  entreated  that  they  nii<rht  be  Zr 
...tted  to  take  Alexander  home,  pron'i™;^'  h'    rey 
ould  re  urn  with  him  as  soon  as  he  reco;ered,  S 
hat,  .n  the  meantime,  the  son  of  Alexander  slou 
be  sent   to  the    English  as  a  hostage.     The  co 
asse.Ued   to  this  arrangement.      Th^  Indians  tol 
»»''»PPy  kmg,  dying  of  a  crushed  spirit,  upon 
l-tter,  on  the.r  shoulders,  and  entered  the  f;il    of 
the  forest.     Slowly  they  travelled  with  their  burden 
unt.l  they  arrived  at  Tethquet,  now  Titicut,  on  T  un- 
ton  nver.     There  they  took  eanoes.     The;  had    " 
however   paddled  far  down  the  stream,  before  it  be- 
came  evident  that  their  monarch  was  dyin^.     Thev 
anded  and  placed  him  upon  a  grassy  mound  beneath 
a  majest.c  tree   and  in  silence  the  stoical  warriors 
gathered  around  to   witness   the   departure    of  his 
sp.m  to  the  realms  of  the  lied  Man's  immortality." 

wiJ^'^;       r^''°'''  '"''  "'"™"^<^  "ft'^e  t'-«gic  event 
with  this  striknig  picture  :— 

"  What  a  scene  for  the  painter  !  The  sublimity  of 
the  forest,  the  glassy  stream,  meandering  beneath 
the  overshadowing  trees,  the  bark  canoes  of  the 
natives  moored  to  the  shore,  the  dying  chieftain, 
with  his  warriors  assembled  in  stern  sadness  around 
hmi,  and  the  beautiful  and  heroic  Wetamoe,  holdin<r 
4  ° 


ill  her  lap  the  head  of  her  dying  lord  ;  and  as  she 
wiped  his  clammy  brow,  nursing  those  emotions  of 
revenge  which  tinally  desolated  three  colonies  with 
flame,  blood,  and  woe." 

The  forcible  seizure  of  Alexander  upon  his  own 
hunting  grounds,  and  its  fatal  sequence,  must  have 
been  a  rude  shock  to  the  Indians,  stoics  though  they 
were.  It  was  a  bold  departure  from  the  considerate 
and  pacific  policy  which  had  marked  the  intercourse 
of  the  Plymouth  government  with  the  Wampanoags, 
during  the  life  time  of  Massasoit.  Is  it  to  be  won- 
dered at  that  they  were  greatly  exasperated  ?  While 
the  colonists  generally  admitted  that  Alexander  died 
of  a  broken  and  crushed  spirit  caused  by  his  arrest, 
is  it  surprising  that  the  Indians  believed  the  story 
that  his  death  was  caused  by  poison  administered  by 
the  English?  Wetamoe  fully  believed  it,  and  from 
that  time  forth,  was  the  unrelenting  foe  of  the  colo- 
nists. She  was  by  birth  the  Squaw  Sachem  of  the 
Pocassets,  and  could  rally  around  her  three  hundred 
of  her  own  warriors.  She  was  sister  to  Wootone- 
kanuske,  the  beloved  wife  of  Philip. 

These  were  the  untoward  circumstances  that  sur- 
rounded Philip,  w^hen  he  suddenly  found  himself 
Chief  Sachem  of  the  great  Wampanoag  tribe. 
Early  historians  assert,  what  we  may  readily  believe, 
that  almost  from  the  time  of  his  accession,  he  was 
jealous  of  the  growing  power  and  encroachments  of 
the  whites,  and   brooded  over  the  wanino^  streno-th 


and   failing  gio,.y  „f  ,,5^ 

not  I)e  foi-o-otten    in  fl.;,  ^''""''^ 

nf  th  I  '^  ,  '  '  '"  ^'"s  connection,  tlmt  it  was  one 
of  the  cherished  customs  of  the  Indians  to  take  ve  > 
geance  „p„„  any  who  injn.-ed  them  or  their  kindrei 
vhenever  opportunity  oifered,  though  it  mi^ht  be  a 
long  t,me  after  the  offence  was  committed.  ^Goolin 
otheT:;    t    '"  *'^^^^^-'-'— "If-ymurther     ; 

gu.mty  look  upon  themselves  concerned  to  revenue 
hat  wrong,  or  murder,  unless  the  business  be  tak^n 

Lf-  ''  ^^^T'''  "^  ^^^•"PompeHgue,  or  other  sat- 
-  action,  which  their  custom  admits,  to  satisfy  for 
all  wrongs,  yea  for  life  itself  "  ^ 

An  incident  is  related  of  Philip,  that  occurred  in 
1665     by  which  we  may  judge  something  of   his 
proud  and  miperious  spirit.     He  learned  that  an  In- 
dian  had  spoken  disrespectfully  of  his  father,  Massa- 
soit.     Traducing  the  dead,  was   by  Indian   law,  an 
offence  so  grave  as  to  demand  the  life  of  the  offender 
by  the  hand  of  the  nearest  of  kin  of  the  party  tra- 
di'ced.     I  hihp,  accordingly,  with  a  band  of  braves, 
repaired   to    Nantucket  in   search   of  liis  victim,   a 
Piaying  Indian,   named  Assasamoogh.      The  latter 
was  sitting  at  the  table  of  a  colonist,  when  a  mes- 
senger rushed  in  and  informed  him  that  Philip,  the 
avenger,  was  at  the  door.     He   fled  from  house  to 
louse,  closely  pursued  by  Philip  with  uplifted  toma- 
iiawk,  to  the  great  amazement  of  the  English  at  this 


exhibition  of  Iiulian  vengeance.  At  length  Assasa- 
moogh  leaped  a  high  bank  and  plunging  into  the 
forest  eluded  his  pursuer.  The  English  were  anx- 
ious to  save  the  life  of  the  offender,  and  for  that 
purpose  sought  an  interview  with  Philip.  But  he 
refused  to  leave  the  island  until  a  ransom  was  paid. 
The  sum  paid  was  nineteen  shillings,  that  being  all 
the  money  there  was  on  the  island.  With  this,  it 
was  said,  he  returned  home  to  Mount  Hope  satisfied. 
Philip  frequently  visited  Plymouth  and  the  other 
English  settlements  in  that  colony,  and  became  well 
acquainted  with  the  inhabitants.  He  traded  wnth 
them,  and  exchanged  hospitalities.  And  yet,  it  is 
supposed,  that  all  this  time,  the  insult  which  had 
been  offered  to  his  brother  Alexander  was  ranklino: 
in  his  heart,  and  calling  for  revenge.  Where  special 
acts  of  kindness  had  been  shown  him  he  remembered 
them,  even  after  hostilities  commenced,  to  the  saving 
of  a  number  of  Eno^lish  households.  Fessenden 
relates  the  instance  of  Hugh  Cole,  who  with  others, 
in  1(>69,  had  purchased  five  hundred  acres  of  land  of 
Philip,  in  Swanzey,  on  the  west  side  of  Cole's  river, 
and  settled  there.  At  the  breaking  out  of  the  war, 
two  of  Cole's  sons  were  made  prisoners  by  the 
Indians,  and  taken  to  Philip's  headquarters  at  Mount 
Hope.  Philip,  from  his  friendship  for  their  father, 
sent  them  back,  with  a  message  that  he  did  not  wish 
to  injure  him,  but  as  his  young  warriors  might  dis- 
obey his  orders,  advised  him  to  repair  to  Rhode 


Island  for  siifetv.     Mr  Tnlo  f.,ii,r 

ready  and  started  with  all  his  iinnily.  Tlfev  Ind 
proceeded  hut  a  short  distance,  (probily  i„  f  b^ 
down  the  Bay,)  when  he  beheld  his  housi  i„  L^Z 

west  s>de  of  Touisset  Neck,  on  Kickemuit  river   in 
he  present  town   of  Warren,  where  the  farm   I,  d 
the  we,,  he  dug  in  1677,  are  yet  in  the  possei.     f 
hshneal  descendants.     Philip^iso  performed  a  sim- 
ilar act  of  kindness,  m  protecting  the  family  of  Mr 
James  Brown,  one  of  the  constituent  members  if 
Uie    Swanzey   church.     Clark,    in   his   -History  o 
Norton,"  states  that  not  a  house  was  burnt  by  the 
Indians  m  the  town  of  Taunton   during  the  war,  for 
fear  that  some  harm  would  come  to  ^he  Leonards 
who  resided  in  that  town,  and  who  had  often  re- 
paired guns,  and  performed  other  jobs  in  iron  work 
or  Philip  gratuitously,_so  strict  were  his  orders  in 
the  premises. 

As  early  as  1671,  the  Plymouth  colonists  had  be- 
come jealous  of  the  growing  influence  Philip  had 
obtained  over  all  the  New  England  tribes,  with  the 
exception,  perhaps,  of  the  xMohegans.-and  profes- 
sing alarm  at  what  they  termed  "increasing  indica- 
tions that  he  was  preparing  for  hostilities,"  sent  an 
imperious  command  to  him  to  come  to  Taunton  and 
explain  his  conduct.     For  some  time  Philip  made 
divers  rather  weak  excuses  for  not  compiyino-  ^vith 


this  demand,  at  the  same  time  reiterating  assurances 
of  his  friendly  feelings.  "  He  was  as  yet,"  says  Ab- 
bott, "unprepared  for  war,  and  was  very  reluctant  to 
precipitate  hostilities,  which  he  had  sufficient  sagac- 
ity to  foresee  would  involve  him  in  ruin,  unless  he 
could  first  form  such  a  coalition  of  the  Indian  tribes 
as  would  enable  him  to  attack  all  the  English  settle- 
ments at  one  and  the  same  time.  At  length,  how- 
ever, he  found  that  he  could  no  longer  refuse  to  give 
some  explanation  of  the  measures  he  was  adopting, 
without  giving  fatal  strength  to  the  suspicions 
against  him.  Accordingly,  on  the  10th  of  April  of 
this  year,  he  took  with  him  a  band  of  warriors, 
armed  to  the  teeth,  and  painted  and  decorated  with 
the  most  brilliant  trappings  of  barbarian  splendor, 
and  approached  within  four  miles  of  Taunton. 
Here  he  established  his  encampment,  and  with  native- 
taught  punctiliousness,  sent  a  message  to  the  Ply- 
mouth <2fovernor,  informinij  him  of  his  arrival  at  that 
spot,  and  requiring  him  to  come  and  treat  with  him 
there.  The  governor,  either  afraid  to  meet  these 
warriors  in  their  own  encampment,  or  deeming  it 
beneath  his  dignity  to  attend  the  summons  of  an 
Indian  chieftain,  sent  Roger  Williams,  with  several 
other  messengers,  to  assure  Philip  of  his  friendly 
feelings,  and  to  entreat  him  to  continue  his  journey 
to  Taunton,  as  a  more  convenient  place  for  their 
conference.  Philip,  with  caution,  which  subsequent 
events  proved  to    have   been  well-timed,   detained 


these  messengers  as  hostages  for  his  safe  return,  and 
then,  with  an  imposing  retinue  of  his  painted  braves, 
proudly  strode  forward  toward  the  town  of  Taunton' 
When  he  arrived  at  a  hill  upon  the  out-skirts  of  the 
village,  he  again  halted,  and  warily  established  sen- 
tinels around  his  encampment. 

"The  governor  and  magistrates  of  the  Massachu- 
setts colony,  apprehensive,  it  would  seem,  that  the 
Plymouth  people  nnght  get  embroiled  in  a  war  with 
the  Indians,   and  anxious,  if  possible,   to  avert  so 
terrible  a  calamity,  had   dispatched   three   commis- 
sioners to  Taunton,  to  endeavor  to  promote  recon- 
ciliation  between  the  Plymouth  colony  and  Philip. 
These   commissioners  were   now  in   conference  with 
the  Plymouth  court.     When  Philip  appeared  upon 
the  hill,  the  Plymouth  magistrates  were  quite  eager 
to  march  and   attack  him,  and   take  his  whole  party 
prisoners,  and  hold  them  as  hostages  for  the  o-ood 
behavior  of  the  Indians.     AVith   no  little  difficulty 
the  Massachusetts  commissioners  overruled  this  rash 
design,  and  consented  to  go  out  themselves  and  per- 
suade  Philip  to  come  in  and  confer  in  a  friendly 
manner  upon  the  adjustment  of  their  affairs. 

"Philip  received  the  Massachusetts  men  with  re- 
serve, but  with  much  courtesy.  At  first  he  refused 
to  advance  any  farther,  but  declared  that  those  who 
wished  to  confer  with  him  must  come  where  he  was. 
At  length,  however,  he  consented  to  refer  the  diffi- 
culties which  existed  between  him  and  the  Plymouth 


colony,  to  the  Massachusetts  commissioners,  and  to 
liold  the  conference  in  the  Taunton  meeting-house. 
But  that  he  might  meet  his  accusers  upon  the  basis 
of  perfect  equality,  he  demanded  that  one-half  of  the  should  be  appropriated  exclusively  to 
himself  and  his  followers,  while  the  Plymouth  peo- 
ple, his  accusers,  should  occupy  the  other  half. 
The  Massachusetts  commissioners,  three  gentlemen, 
were  to  sit  alone,  as  umpires.  We  can  but  admire 
the  character  developed  by  Philip  in  these  arrange- 

"Philip  managed  his  cause,  which  was  evidently  a 
difficult  one,  with  great  adroitness.  He  could  not 
deny  that  he  was  making  great  military  prepara- 
tions, but  he  declared  that  this  was  only  in  anticipa- 
tion of  an  attack  from  the  Narragansett  Indians. 
But  it  was  proved  that  at  that  moment  he  was  on 
terms  of  more  intimate  friendship  with  the  Narra- 
gansetts  than  ever  before.  When  the  English  com- 
plained of  Indian  outrages,  he  brought  charge  for 
charge  against  them  ;  and  it  cannot  be  doubted  that  he 
and  his  people  had  suffered  much  from  the  arrogance 
of  individuals  of  the  dominant  race.  Philip  has  had 
no  one  to  tell  his  side  of  the  story,  and  we  have  re- 
ceived the  narrative  only  from  the  pens  of  his  foes. 
They  tell  us  that  he  was  at  length  confounded,  and 
made  full  confession  of  his  hostile  designs,  and  ex- 
pressed regret  for  them." 

As   the   result   of  the   conference,   a   treaty  was 


entered  into,  in  which  mutual  friendship  was  pled-od 
and  in  which   Philip  consented  to  the  extniordi.miy 
measure  of  disarming  his  people,  and  of  surrender- 
ing their  guns  to  the  governor  of  Plymouth,  to  be 
retained   by  him  so   long  as   he  should   distrust  the 
sincerity  of  their  friendship.     Philip  and  his  warri- 
ors immediately  gave  up  their  guns,  seventy  in  num- 
ber, and  promised  to  send  in  the  rest  within  a  ^iven 
time.     It  is  related  of  one  of  Philip's  Captainsfthat 
when  he   learned   that  his   Chief  had  consented  to 
surrender  their  guns,   he  was   so   enraged,   that  he 
threw  down  his  arms,  and  said  he  would  never  own 
him  again,  or  fight  under  him  :  and  from  that  time 
ever  after  adhered  to  the  English.     It  was  further 
agreed  in  the  council,  that,  in  case  of  future  troubles, 
both  parties  should  submit  their  complaints  to  the 
arbitration  of  Massachusetts. 

This  settlement,  apparently  so  important,  amounted 
to  nothing.  It  was  said  of  the  Indians,  that  they 
were  ever  ready  to  sign  any  agreement  whatever 
which  would  extricate  them  from  a  momentary  diffi- 
culty ;  but  such  promises  were  broken  as  readily  as 
they  were  made.  It  is  certain  that  Philip  sent  in  no 
more  guns,  but  was  busy  as  ever  gaining  resources 
for  war,  and  entering  into  alliances  with  other  tribes. 
He  denied  this,  but  the  people  of  Plymouth  thought 
they  had  ample  evidence  that  such  was  the  case. 

The  summer  thus  passed  away,  while  the  aspect 
of  affairs  was  daily  growing  more  threatening.     As 


Philip  did  not  send  in  his  guns  according  to  agree- 
ment, and  as  there  was  evidence,  apparently  conchi- 
sive,  of  his  hostile  intentions,  the  Plymouth  govern- 
ment, late  in  August,  sent  another  summons,  order- 
ing the  Wanipanoag  chieftain  to  appear  before  them 
on  the  loth  of  September,  and  threatening,  in  case 
he  did  not  comply,  to  send  out  a  force  to  reduce  him 
to  subjection.  At  the  same  time  they  sent  commu- 
nications to  the  colonies  of  Massachusetts  and  Rhode 
Island,  stating  their  complaints  against  Philip,  and 
soliciting  their  aid  in  the  war  which  they  thought 
evidently  approaching. 

"In  this  affair,"  I  quote  again  from  Abbott, 
"Philip  gained  a  manifest  advantage  over  the  Ply- 
mouth colonists.  According  to  the  terms  of  the 
treaty,  all  future  difficulties  were  to  be  referred  to 
the  arbitration  of  Massachusetts  as  an  impartial 
umpire.  But  Plymouth  had  now,  in  violation  of 
these  terms,  imperiously  summoned  the  Indian  chief- 
tain, as  if  he  were  their  subject,  to  appear  before 
their  courts.  Philip,  instead  of  paj^ing  any  regard 
to  this  arrogant  order,  immediately  repaired  to  Bos- 
ton with  his  councilors,  in  strict  accord  with  the 
treaty.  It  so  happened  that  he  arrived  in  Boston 
on  the  very  day  in  which  the  governor  of  Massachu- 
setts received  the  letter  from  the  Plymouth  colony. 
The  representations  which  Philip  made  seemed  to 
carry  conviction  to  the  impartial  umpires  of  Massa- 
chusetts that  he  was  not  severely  to  be  censured. 
Ay  hen  the  letters  from  Plymouth  were  read  to  him, 


he   replied   that  his  predecessors  had  always    hv.n 
ineudly  with  the  Plymouth  governors,  and  that  an 
engagement  to  that  end  was  made  by  his  father    and 
renewed  by  his  brother,  and  when  he  took  the  '<.ov- 
ernment,  was  made   by  himself;   but  it  was  only  an 
agreement   for  «m%,  not   for  subjection.       He   had 
acknowledged    himself    a    subject   of   the    Kin-   of 
England,  but  he  averred  that  he   knew  not  thai  he 
and  his  were  subjects  to  the   Plymouth   govermnent. 
I'ra^rn^  Indians,  he   said,  were   subjects,  and  had 
officers  and  magistrates  appointed  for  them,  but  he 
and  his  people  had   no   such  thing  with  them,  and 
therefore  were  not  subjects/^     The  inference  from  this 
IS,  that  Philip   having  acknowledged  himself  a  sub- 
ject of  the  King  of  England,  the  Plymouth  govern- 
ment claimed  that  he  and  his  tribe  were  under  the 
government  of  that  colony.     Freeman,  in  his  His- 
tory of  Cape  Cod,  in  a  note,  page  26S,  says  :— 

"  Notwithstanding  that  in  treaties  from  time  to 
time,  the  Indians  have  acknowledged  themselves 
subjects  to  the  King  of  England,  they  seem  not  to 
have  comprehended  the  meaning  of  the  term.  They 
ever  retained  an  idea  of  independency  to  which 
English  subjects  had  no  pretence." 

Philip  desired  to  be  shown  a  copy  of  the  engage- 
ment, and  requested  the  governor  of  Massachusc^tts 
to  procure  it  for  him.  As  a  result  of  this  confer- 
ence, the  Massachusetts  authorities  wrote  to  Ply- 
mouth as  follows  : — 


"We  do  not  uuderstand  how  Philip  h;ith  sub- 
jected himself  to  you.  But  the  treatment  you  have 
o-iven  him  and  your  proceedings  toward  him,  do  not 
render  him  such  a  subject  as  that,  if  there  be  not  a 
present  answering  to  summons,  there  should  pre- 
sently be  a  proceeding  to  hostilities.  The  sword 
once  drawn  and  dipped  in  blood,  may  make  him  as 
independent  upon  you  as  you  are  upon  him." 

Soon  after  this,  a  general  council  of  the  united 
colonies  was  called  to  assemble  at-  Plymouth  on  the 
24th  of  September.  Philip  agreed  to  meet  this 
council  in  a  further  effort  to  adjust  their  differences, 
and  at  the  appointed  time  was  present,  with  a  retinue 
of  warriors.  Another  treaty  was  made,  similar  to 
the  Taunton  treaty,  and  the  two  parties  again  sepa- 
rated with  protestations  of  friendship  ;  but,  says 
Abbott,  "quite  hostile  as  ever  at  heart." 

Three  years  now  passed  away  of  reserved  inter- 
course and  suspicious  peace.  The  colonists  were 
continually  hearing  rumors  from  distant  tribes  of 
Philip's  endeavors,  and  generally  successful  endeav- 
ors, to  draw  them  into  a  coalition.  The  conspiracy, 
so  far  as  it  could  be  ascertained,  included  nearly  all 
the  tribes  in  New  England,  and  extended  into  the 
interior  of  New  York,  and  along  the  coast  to  Vir- 
ginia. The  Narragansetts,  it  w^as  said,  agreed  to 
furnish  four  thousand  warriors.  Other  tribes,  ac- 
cording to  their  power,  were  to  furnish  their  hun- 
dreds, or  their   thousands.     Hostilities  were   to  be 


commenced  in  the  Spring  of  IGTG,  by  ji  simultaneous 
assault  upon  all  the  settlements,  so  that  none  of  the 
English  could  go  from  one  portion  of  the  country  to 
aid  another.  In  the  latter  part  of  the  year  1G74, 
the  signs  of  the  conspiracy  were  so  palpable,  that 
the  Governor  of  Massachusetts  sent  an  ambassador 
to  Philip,  demanding  an  explanation  of  these  threat- 
ening appearances,  and  soliciting  another  treaty  of 
peace  and  friendship.  Philip's  haughty  reply  to 
this  ambassador  was  :  "Your  governor  is  but  a  sub- 
ject of  King  Charles  of  England.  I  shall  not  treat 
with  a  subject.  I  shall  only  treat  with  the  king, 
my  brother.     When  he  comes,  I  am  ready." 

The  war  was  waged  against  the  Indians  by  the 
"United  Colonies,"  so  called,  which  comprised  the 
three  colonies  of  Connecticut,  Massachusetts  Bay, 
and  New  Plymouth.  Rhode  Island  was  not  included. 
But  as  early  as  1667,  letters  were  received  by  the 
Rhode  Island  authorities  from  the  neighboring  colo- 
nies, calling  their  attention  to  the  rumors  that  were 
rife  of  the  treacherous  designs  of  the  Indians  against 
the  English,  and  invoking  the  good  offices  of  Roger 
Williams  and  others  to  pacify  them.  In  the  inter- 
vals between  the  sessions  of  the  General  Assembly, 
says  Mr.  Bartlett,*  the  Governor  and  Council  (which 
embraced  the  Governor,  Deputy  Governor,  and 
Assistants),  held  frequent  meetings,  particularly 
during  the   periods   when  the  colony  was  in  danger 

*  Rhode  Island  Colonial  Records,  volume  ii,  page  191. 


from  invasion,  or  from  attacks  of  tlie  Indians. 
(England  was  at  war  at  this  time,  1667,  with  the 
French  as  well  as  the  Dutch.)  A  separate  record 
was  kept  of  the  proceedings  of  this  Council.  It  was 
entitled  :  "The  Book  of  Records,  containing  the  acts 
and  orders  made  by  the  Governor  and  Council,  both 
general  and  particular,  since  the  first  of  May,  1667." 
At  the  second  meeting  of  the  Council,  held  on  the 
10th  of  May  :  "It  is  ordered  that  Thomas  Willmott 
(probably  Willett)  of  8ecunk,  hath  informed  the 
Council,  now  sitting,  of  such  deportments  of  the 
Indians,  especially  of  Philip,  which  giveth  great 
occasion  of  suspicion  of  them  and  their  treacherous 
desiofus.  It  is  therefore  ordered  that  the  Indians 
residing  upon  the  island  shall  be  forthwith  disarmed 
of  all  sorts  of  arms,  and  that  the  captain  and  mili- 
tary officers  meeting  with  any  Indian  armed,  they 
are  authorized  to  seize  the  arms,  and  by  the  authority 
from  the  magistracy  of  either  town,  the  constables 
or  their  deputies,  are  to  search  and  seize  any  arms 
to  them  belonging ;  and  the  said  arms,  wherever  so 
seized,  to  be  delivered  to  the  Governor  or  some 
magistrate,  that  so  they  may  be  safely  kept,  and  at 
his  or  their  discretion  to  be  restored.  It  is  also  left 
to  the  magistrates  of  Providence  and  Warwick  to  do 
as  they  shall  think  meet,  as  referring  to  disarming 
the  Indians  among  them.  And  it  is  ordered,  that  if 
in  Khode  Island,  or  in  any  other  towns,  any  Indian 
shall  be  taken  walking  in  the  night  time,  he  shall  be 


seized  by  the  wiitcli  {ind  kept  in  custody  till  morn- 
ing, and  brought  before  some  magistrate,  which  said 
magistrate  shall  deal  with  him  according  to  his  dis- 
cretion, and  the  demerit  of  the  person  so  offending." 

On  the  21st  of  May,  1667,  "at  a  meeting  of  the 
Council,"  it  is  ordered  that  a  letter  be  sent  to  the 
Commissioners  of  Plymouth,  of  thankful  acknowl- 
edgment for  their  civility  in  writing  to  us  concerning 
their  proceedings  with  Philip  and  his  men  with 
respect  to  the  rumors  of  their  conspiracies  ;  and  it  is 
further  ordered  that  one  of  each  town  of  the  Colony 
be  chosen  to  treat  with  Mosup,  Nennecraft  (Ninne- 
grit)  and  Cothannequant  (Canonchet)  concerning  the 
rumors  aforesaid;  and  the  parties  chosen  are,  for 
Newport,  Mr.  Peleg  Sandford ;  for  Providence,  Mr. 
Wm.  Harris;  for  Portsmouth,  Mr.  Wm.  Baulston  ; 
and  for  Warwick,  Mr.  John  Green;  and  these  or 
the  major  part  of  them,  are  fully  empowered  to 
appoint  the  place  of  treaty,  and  time  or  times  there- 
of, and  to  appoint  interpreters,  and  to  make  return 
thereof  with  all  convenient  speed  to  the  General 
Council ;  but  in  case  the  said  Sachems  shall  refuse 
to  meet  and  treat,  then  the  Commissioners  are  to 
protest  in  his  Majesty's  name  against  the  said 

A  copy  of  the  letter  sent  to  the  Sachems  follows  : 

"  Loving  Friends  and  Honorablk  Neighbors  : — 
The  Governor  and  Council  having  met  this  21st  of 
May,  have  thought  fit  and  necessary  to  acquaint  you 


that  they  have  commissionated  four  of  themselves 
to  treat  with  you  conceruing  the  reports  of  the  con- 
spiracies of  the  Indians  against  the  English,  that  so 
if  it  may  l)e,  they  may  be  better  informed  of  the 
truth  and  extent  thereof;  and  for  that  end  and 
purpose  desire  and  require  you  in  his  Majesty's 
Dame,  to  give  them  a  meeting  at  Warwick  on  Tues- 
day next,  which  will  be  the  28th  of  this  instant, 
where  accordingly  you  may  expect  to  meet  with 
them.  So  we  take  leave  and  remain  your  friends. 
"By  the  appointment  of  that  Council. 

"W.  Dyke,  Secretary." 

In  1669  letters  were  received  by  the  Governor 
and  Council,  from  the  Governors  of  Connecticut  and 
New  York,  and  also  from  Major  Mason,  charging 
that  Ninnicraft  and  the  Lonsf  Island  Indians  were 
plotting  against  the  English,  in  combination  with  the 
French  ;  and  further,  that  he,  Ninnicraft,  had  held 
a  great  dance,  at  which  Philip  was  represented  by 
seven  of  his  chief  men.  The  authorities  of  Rhode 
Island  at  once  took  steps  to  examine  Ninnicraft  and 
other  Sachems,  and  after  a  most  searching  inquir}^ 
became  satisfied  there  was  no  real  ground  for  the 
charge,  and  so  informed  the  authorities  of  Connecti- 
cut and  New  Y(U'k.  Before  this,  however,  they  sent 
the  following  letter  to  Governor  Prince,  of  New 
Plymouth,  under  date  of  22d  July,  1669  : — 

"  Sir  : — These  coming  in  safety  to  your  hands. 


will  inform  you  that  whereas,  we  have  had  informa- 
tion of  a  plot  of  the  Indians  to  cut  off  the  Eno-lish 
which  we  doubt  not  but  you  have  also  had  the  full 
report  of;  and  we  having  used  endeavors  to  search 
out  the  thing,  have  sent  some  discreet  persons  over 
to  see  if  they  could  find  Ninnicraft's  temper  at  this 
juncture  ;  and  in  examination  they  received  indiffer- 
ent answers  by  way  of  excusing  himself,  and  denyino* 
any  knowledge  of  such  a  plot ;  only  when  he  was 
asked  why  and  to  what  end  seven  of  Philip  the 
Sachem's  ancient  men  had  been  with  him,  the  said 
Ninnicraft,  for  nine  or  ten  days,  then  together,  some 
of  them  being  of  Philip's  Council,  he  gave  no  satisfac- 
tory answer  to  that  point,  but  put  it  off  with  a 
laugh  and  very  slight  return,  which  gives  us  some 
further  cause  of  suspicion  ;  and  have  therefore  sent 
for  him  to  be  examined  before  us,  and  dealt  with  as 
we  may  find  cause  thereupon  ;  and  do  represent  thus 
much  to  yourselves  that  you  may,  if  you  think  fit, 
question  Philip,  of  Mount  Hope,  upon  the  premises. 
And  whereas.  Major  Mason  writes  that  it  is  too 
apparent  there  is  a  plot  contriving  or  contrived 
between  the  French  and  almost  all  the  Indians  in  the 
country  ;  it  doth  the  more  allarum  us  to  take  notice 
of  it,  seeing  such  an  eminent  person  doth  so  repre- 
sent it;  and  do  entreat  if  anything  do  appear  to 
yourselves,  you  will  be  pleased  to  communicate  it 
to  (Sir), 

*' Your  affectionate  friends  and  servants, 

"EiCHARD  Bailey,  Secretary." 


Governor  Lovelace,  of  New  York,  addresses  a  let- 
ter to  Governor  Benedict  Arnold,  under  date  of  Au- 
gust 24th,  1669,  in  which  he  acknowledges  the  receipt 
of  the  hitter's  letter  of  29th  July,  in  answer  to  his, 
and  says  : — "  I  must  render  yon  my  most  particular 
thanks  for  those  civilities  you  were  pleased  to  afford 
me  in  your  friendly  expressions  ;  next,  I  cannot  Init 
kindly  resent  that  care  you  have  shown  in  settling 
the  minds  of  some  over-credulous  persons  amongst 
us  (who  being  possessed  with  a  panic  fear),  were 
apt  to  entertain  very  melancholy  thoughts  accordingly 
as  they  were  instilled  by  the  intelligence  and  infor- 
mation of  some  fond  Indians  to  the  great  disturbance 
of  the  public  peace  ;  and  by  it  animating  the  heathens, 
who  take  courage  from  our  fear,  might  be  apt  to 
break  forth  into  extravagances  not  to  be  redressed 
without  a  war,  and  all  the  miseries  attending  it ;  but 
those  apprehensions  are  now  vanished,  and  men's 
minds,  by  reason  of  your  excellent  letter,  well  paci- 
fied and  settled,  neither  do  I  believe  they  will  too 
hastily  again  give  credence  to  the  information  of  a 
faithless  and  false  generation."  All  which  clearly  in- 
dicates that  even  as  early  as  16(59,  the  public  mind 
was  greatly  agitated  about  the  Indians,  and  ready  to 
believe  the  most  extravagant  and  unreasonable  stories 
of  their  plottings. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Governor  and  Council  at  New- 
port, August  30th,  1671,  in  response  to  a  letter  re- 
ceived from  the  General  Assembly  of  New  Plymouth, 
the  following  reply  was  made  : — 


"Much  Honored  Gentlemen: — Yours,  by  the 
much  respected  Mr.  Thomas  Hinckley  and  Mr.  Con- 
stant Southworth,  we  have  received,  and  by  confer- 
ence with  those  gentlemen  and  our  own  observations, 
are  sensible  that  there  are  more  than  ordinary  causes 
to  suspect  and  believe  the  Indians  are  treacherousl}^ 
inclined  against  the  English  in  general,  and  that 
therefore  we  are  bound  by  the  highest  obligations, 
with  united  hearts  and  hands  to  use  our  uttermost 
endeavors  to  resist  and  defeat  (through  the  assistance 
of  the  Almighty)  their  bloody  and  perfidious  de- 
signs. In  order  whereunto,  our  General  Assembly 
did,  in  theirs  by  Mr.  Cornell  of  the  16th  of  June  last, 
propose  unto  you  that  some  persons  might  be  em- 
powered by  yourselves  and  us,  to  meet  and  confer 
upon  the  reasons,  ways  and  means,  why  and  how  it 
ought,  and  may  be  accomplished.  And  to  that  end, 
did  nominate  and  appoint  our  honored  Governor, 
Capt.  John  Cranston,  Mr.  William  Baulston,  Mr. 
William  Carpenter,  and  Capt.  John  Greene,  Assist- 
ants ;  or  any  three  or  four  of  them  to  meet  and  treat 
with  so  many  of  yours  at  Taunton.  This  act  of  our 
General  Court  is  still  in  force,  and  is  that  which  we 
conceive  may  be  the  only  expedient  to  come  to  a  se- 
rious debate  and  agreement  in  a  matter  of  so  great 
concern  ;  and  which,  if  you  please  to  embrace,  we 
shall  readily  attend,  where  all  difficulties  may  be 
examined,  advantages  considered,  reasons  on  both 
sides  weio^hed,  and  such  an  agreement  concluded,  as 


we  hope  by  the  blessing  of  God,  may  be  for  the  secu- 
rity and  peace  of  these  parts  and  the  English  inhabi- 
tants ;  and  if  in  the  meantime,  and  before  this  be 
accomplished,  the  Indians  shall  make  any  attempts 
upon  any  of  his  Majestj^'s  subjects,  we  shall  use  our 
utmost  endeavors  in  our  stations  and  places  to  sup- 
press and  subdue  them. 

"  Honored  Gentlemen, — you  have  our  real  inten- 
tions herein,  which  as  these  proceed  from  our  hearty 
and  unfeigned  desires  of  the  peace  and  safety  of  our 
countrymen  in  general,  and  of  yourselves  our  loving 
neighbors  in  particular,  so  we  shall,  to  the  best  of 
our  abilities  (God  willing),  perform  the  same." 

The  letter  above  referred  to,  of  the  16th  of  June, 
to  Plymouth  Colony,  does  not  appear  in  our  Colonial 
Records,  as  published. 

The  next  day,  the  31st  of  August,  steps  were  taken 
to  put  the  Colony  in  a  state  of  defence,  and  to  notify 
the  several  towns  to  be  watchful,  and  keep  such  an 
eye  over  the  Indians,  as  to  prevent  being  surprised 
by  them. 

At  a  session  of  the  General  Assembly  at  Newport, 
November  2nd,  1671,  a  letter  was  ordered  to  be  sent 
to  the  Governor  of  New  Plymouth,  of  which  I  give 
the  major  portion  : — 

"These  are  to  give  you  to  understand  that  your 
loving  and  wellcome  lines,  both  of  September  14th, 
and  2yth  last  past,  have  been  communicated  unto  us 


by  our  honored  Governor,  &c.,  the  contents  of  both 
being  very  much  obliging,  and  doth  indeed  move  us 
to  be  thankful  unto  the  Most  High  for  preserving  us 
yet  in  peace,  and  diverting  the  cloud  which  he  was 
pleased  to  let  hang  over  the  country,  threatening  a 
storm  of  war,  or  the  sad  effects  that  attend  thereupon, 
as  massacreing,  and  destrojn ng  persons  and  estates, 
which  would  inevitably  have  followed  upon  an  abso- 
lute breach  with  the  natives,  as  we  were  well  aware 
of,  and  it  exercised  our  minds  and  put  us  upon  labor 
and  charge  to  withstand  or  prevent  it.  Neither  can 
we,  but  together  with  you,  acknowledge  the  goodness 
of  the  Lord  in  so  mercifully  sparing  the  country. 
We  also  acknowledge  your  prudent  and  patient  pro- 
ceedings in  that  matter,  and  your  candid  respect  and 
great  affection  expressed  unto  us,  in  giving  us  sea- 
sonable information  of  your  apprehensions,  resolu- 
tions, and  conclusions  had,  taken  and  made  concern- 
ing those  mtttters.  And  you  may  assure  yourselves, 
that  you  may  expect  from  us,  as  occasion  shall  re- 
quire it,  such  demonstrations  of  our  love  and  duty  to 
yourselves,  as  is  becoming  us,  not  only  as  we  are 
English  subjects  to  one  and  the  same  King  :  but  also 
as  neighbors  and  friends  very  nearly  obliged  to  love 
and  serve  3^our  Honors  in  all  sincerity.  And  it  is 
not  a  little  grievous  unto  us,  that  we  cannot  procure 
the  like  cause  from  our  Honored  the  Colony  of  Con- 
necticut, from  whom  we  met  with  very  hard,  harsh, 
and  undesirable  passages,  which  we  would  be  glad 


they  would  forbear.     But  they  nre  put  upon  it  by  the 
ambition  and  coveteousness  of  some  few." 

This  misunderstanding  with  Connecticut  grew  out 
of  the  conflicting  chiims  of  the  two  Colonies  to  the 
King's  Province  of  Narragansett.  A  person  not 
familiar  with  the  geography  of  our  country,  might 
meet  with  some  difficulty  in  finding  the  State  of 
Rhode  Ishmd  on  a  map  of  the  United  States,  even 
with  her  present  boundaries  ;  but  if  the  claims  of 
Massachusetts  on  the  east,  and  Connecticut  on  the 
west,  had  been  made  good  before  the  King  in  Coun- 
cil, you  would  have  had  to  search  for  it  with  a  micro- 
scope. We  were  being  ''ground  between  the  upper 
and  the  nether  millstone."  They  have  been  elbowed 
back,  somewhat,  upon  both  sides  of  our  Bay. 

It  would  be  interestino^  to  know  the  cause  or  causes 
which  operated  to  prevent  Rhode  Island  from  being 
invited  to  join  with  the  United  Colonies  in  the  war 
against  Philip,  or  if  invited,  why  she  did  not  respond. 
This  Colony  suffered,  in  common  with  her  sister 
Colonies  of  Massachusetts  and  New  Plymouth,  from 
the  attacks  of  the  natives,  and  the  forces  of  the 
United  Colonies  marched  into  her  territory,  and  at- 
tacked and  destroyed  the  Indian  Fort  at  South  Kinofs- 
town,  without  her  consent.  I  do  not  know  if  there 
be  papers  in  the  archives  of  the  State,  explaining 
these  points  ;  if  so,  they  do  not  appear  in  the  R.  I. 
Colonial  Records  as  published,  and  from  which  I 
have  copied  the  foregoing  correspondence.     In  fact, 


no  letters  are  given,  if  any  passed,  between  Rhode 
Island  and  the  other  New  England  Colonies  on  the 
Indian  troubles,  after  the  year  1671,  up  to  the  close 
of  the  war.  Can  it  be  there  was  no  correspondence 
between  them  during  all  these  years  of  dread  alarm 
and  woe?  It  is  probable,  I  think,  that  the  disputed 
boundaries  between  Rhode  Island  and  her  adjoining 
neighbors,  was  one  cause,  if  not  the  chief  cause,  of 
the  non-affliation.  But  I  must  not  dwell  longer  upon 
this  matter,  or  I  shall  weary  your  patience. 

According  to  Gookin  (Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  vol. 
i.),  there  were  live  principal  Tribes  of  Indians  in 
New  England,  when  the  Pilgrims  landed  at  Ply- 
mouth, viz.  : — The  Pequots,  the  Narragansetts,  the 
Pokanokets,  or  Wampanoags,  the  Massachusetts, 
and  the  Pawtucket.  The  Pequots,  as  a  distinct 
tribe,  were  annihilated  in  1637,  leaving  only  four  at 
the  time  of  which  we  write.  Of  the  Pawkunnawkutts, 
Gookin,  writing  in  1674,  says  :  "They  were  a  great 
people  heretofore.  They  lived  to  the  east  and 
northeast  of  the  Narragansetts ;  and  their  chief 
Sachem  held  dominion  over  divers  other  petty  saga- 
mores ;  as  the  sagamores  upon  the  island  of  Nan- 
tucket, and  Hope,  or  Martha's  Vineyard,  of  Nawsett, 
of  Mannamoyk,  of  Saw^kattukett,  Nobsquasitt,  Mat- 
akees,  and  several  others,  and  some  of  the  Nipmucks. 
Their  country,  for  the  most  part,  falls  within  the 
jurisdiction  of  New  Plymouth  Colony.  This  people 
were  a  potent  nation  in  former  times,  and  could  raise, 


as  the  most  credible  and  ancient  Indians  affirm,  about 
three  thousand  men.  They  held  war  with  the  Nar- 
ragansetts,  and  often  joined  with  the  Massachusetts, 
as  friends  and  confederates,  against  the  Narragansetts. 
This  nation,  a  very  great  number  of  them,  were  swept 
away  by  an  epidemical  and  unwonted  sickness  in  the 
years  1612  and  1613,  about  seven  or  eight  years 
before  the  English  first  arrived  in  those  parts,  to 
settle  the  colony  of  New  Plymouth.  Thereby  Divine 
Providence  made  a  w^ay  for  the  peaceable  and  quiet 
settlement  of  the  English  in  those  nations.  What  this 
disease  was,  that  so  generally  and  mortally  swept 
away,  not  only  these,  but  other  Indians,  their  neigh- 
bors, I  cannot  well  learn.  Doubtless  it  was  some 
pestilential  disease.  I  have  discoursed  with  some  old 
Indians,  that  were  then  youths,  who  say  that  the 
bodies  all  over  were  exceeding  yellow,  describing  it 
by  a  yellow  garment  they  showed  me,  both  before 
they  died  and  afterward." 

One  writer  gives  the  English  population  of  New 
England,  in  1674,  at  about  fifty-live  thousand,  and 
that  of  the  aboriginals  at  less  than  one-half  that 
number.  If  this  l)e  so,  together  with  the  great  ad- 
vantage possessed  by  the  whites  in  provisions,  disci- 
pline, and  munitions  of  war,  it  Avould  seem  that 
there  could  not,  at  any  time,  have  been  a  doubt  as 
to  the  final  result  of  the  struggle.  Many  of  the  In- 
dians had  been  converted  to  Christianity,  and  had 
adopted  the  habits  of  civilized  life,  and  schools  and 


churches  were  established  among  thein.  Of  these 
"Praying  Indians,"  the  Christian  life,  it  would  seem, 
w^as  somewhat  irregular,  and  there  were  frequent 
lapses  among  them,  to  barbarism  again.  So  much 
so,  that  some  of  the  colonists  always  persisted  in 
spelling  the  word  "praying"  with  the  letter  e.  Af- 
ter the  Indians  were  suitably  instructed,  some  of  the 
more  intelligent  and  energetic  among  them,  received 
appointments  to  office,  such  as  petty  judges  and  con- 
stables. With  such  commissions  they  were  said  to 
be  highly  pleased,  and  would  sometimes  discharge 
their  official  duties  with  ludicrous  pomposity.  The 
following  warrant,  directed  to  an  Indian  constable, 
was  issued  by  one  of  these  native  magistrates.  For 
"sententious  brevity"  it  is  in  striking  contrast  with 
our  modern  writ : — 

"I  Hihoudi,  you  Peter  Waterman, — eJeremy 
Wicket,  quick  you  take  him,  fast  you  hold  him, 
straight  you  bring  him  before  me,  Hihoudi." 

As  has  already  been  stated,  it  was  the  intention  of 
Philip  to  commence  the  war  in  1676,  but  the  death 
of  John  Sassamon,  a  Christian  Indian,  early  in  the 
spring  of  1675,  hastened  the  event.  Sassamon,  who 
was  a  Wampanoag  Indian,  but  who  had  been  "bred 
up  in  a  profession  of  the  Christian  religion,"  and 
educated  at  Harvard  University,  was  employed  as  a 
school -master  at  Natick,  the  Indian  town.  Upon 
some  misdemeanor,  however,  he  fled  from  his  place 
to  Philip,  who  at  once  employed  him  as  his  private 



secretary.  He  is  represented  to  have  been  a  cun- 
ning, plausible  fellow,  and  it  is  stated  that  Philip 
trusted  him  with  all  his  affairs  and  secret  counsels. 
After  a  time,  ms  J  find  it  recorded  in  "Barber's  His- 
tory of  2s'ew  England," — and  from  which  I  quote — 
"  whether  upon  the  sting  of  his  own  conscience,  or  by 
the  frequent  solicitations  of  Mr.  Eliot,  that  had  known 
him  from  a  child,  and  instructed  him  in  the  princi- 
ples of  our  religion,  who  w^as  often  laying  before  him 
the  heinous  sin  of  his  apostacy,  and  returning  back  to 
his  old  vomit,  he  was  at  last  prevailed  with  to  for- 
sake Philip,  and  returned  back  to  the  Christian  In- 
dians at  Natick,  where  he  was  baptized,  manifesting 
public  repentance  for  all  his  former  offences  ;  and  did 
apply  himself  to  preach  to  the  Indians.  Yet  having 
occasion  to  go  up  with  some  others  of  his  countrymen 
to  Namasket  (Middleborough),  whether  the  advan- 
tao'e  of  fishing,  or  some  such  occasion,  it  matters  not. 
Being  there,  not  far  from  Philip's  country,  he  had 
the  occasion  to  be  much  in  the  company  of  Philip's 
Indians  and  Philip  himself;  by  which  means  he  dis- 
cerned that  the  Indians  were  plotting  anew  against 
us  ;  which,  out  of  ftiithfulness  to  the  English,  the  said 
Sassamon  informed  the  Governor  of ;  adding,  also, 
that  if  it  were  known  that  he  revealed  it,  he  knew 
they  would  presently  kill  him." 

There  had  been  so  many  alarms  which  had  not 
proved  serious,  that  this  story  of  Sassamon  was  not 
at  first  believed  ;  but  there  appearing  much  concur- 


rent  testimony  from  other  sources,  made  it  appear 
the  more  probable.  Philip,  by  reason  of  the  inquiries 
made  of  him,  concerning  these  fresh  rumors  of 
trouble,  was  convinced  that  Sassamon  had  betrayed 
him,  and  it  was  said,  took  steps  to  have  him  killed  for 
his  perfidy. 

Early  in  the  spring  of  1675,  Sassamon  was  miss- 
ing, and  his  friends,  in  searching  for  him,  not  long 
after,  found  his  hat  and  gun  upon  the  ice  of  Assa- 
wompset  Pond  in  Middleborough,  near  a  hole,  and  in 
such  position  as  to  leave  the  impression  that  he  had 
accidentally  broken  through  the  ice,  and  was  drowned. 
His  body  was  soon  found,  and  although  his  friends, 
particularly  one  David,  observed  some  bruises  about 
his  head,  they  buried  him  without  further  inquir^^ 
However,  these  stories  comins:  to  the  ears  of  the  Gov- 
ernor  some  time  after,  he  had  the  body  taken  up, 
and  upon  examination,  became  satisfied  that  Sassa- 
mon had  been  murdered.  The  English  decided  that 
this  was  a  crime  which  came  under  the  cognizance  of 
their  laws.  Three  Indians  connected  with  the  coun- 
cil of  Philip,  were  arrested  on  suspicion  of  being  his 
murderers.  The  prisoners  were  tried  before  the 
Plymouth  Court,  in  June,  and  were  all  adjudged 
guilty  and  sentenced  to  death,  the  jur}^  consisting  of 
twelve  Englishmen  and  four  Indians.  The  con- 
demned were  at  once  executed,  two  of  them  contend- 
ing to  the  last  that  they  were  entirely  innocent,  and 
knew  nothinof  of  the  deed.     One  of  them,  it  is  said, 


when  upon  the  point  of  death,  confessed  that  he  wiis  a 
spectator  of  the  murder,  which  was  connnitted  by  the 
other  two.  Barber  says  that,  "  by  a  strange  provi- 
dence, an  Indian  was  found,  that  by  accident  stand- 
ing unseen  upon  a  hill,  had  seen  them  murdering  the 
said  Sassamon,  but  durst  never  reveal  it,  for  fear  of 
losing  his  own  life  likewise,  until  he  was  called  to 
the  Court  at  Plymouth,  or  before  the  Governor, 
where  he  plainly  confessed  what  he  had  seen.  The 
murderers  were  convicted  by  his  undeniable  testi- 
mony, and  other  remarkable  circumstances.^^ 

One  of  these  "  remarkable  circumstances  "  is  thus 
stated  by  Dr.  Increase  Mather  : — 

"When  Tobias  (one  of  the  accused)  came  near  the 
dead  bod}^  it  fell  a  bleeding  on  fresh,  as  if  it  had 
been  newly  slain,  albeit  it  was  buried  a  considerable 
time  before  that."  It  was  a  superstition  with  our 
Pilgrim  Fathers,  that  the  body  of  a  murdered  person 
would  commence  bleeding  afresh  on  the  approach  of 
the  murderer. 

AVhether  guilty  or  not,  the  summary  execution  of 
three  of  Philip's  subjects,  greatly  enraged  and  alarmed 
him,  as,  knowing  that  he  was  charged  with  ordering 
Sassamon's  death,  he  feared  that  he  also  might  be  kid- 
napped and  hung.  His  young  warriors  were  roused 
to  frenzy,  and  could  no  longer  be  controlled.  They 
commenced  a  series  of  amioyances  upon  the  whites, 
such  as  shooting  their  cattle,  frightening  the  women 
and  children,  and  insulting  wayfarers  wherever  they 


were  met.  They  had  imbibed  the  superstition,  prob- 
ably taught  them  by  their  powwows,  that  the  party 
which  should  commence  the  war  and  shed  the  first 
blood,  would  be  defeated.  They  therefore  endeav- 
ored, by  a  show  of  force  and  by  insult,  to  provoke 
the  English  to  strike  the  first  blow,  Philip  keepino* 
his  men  constantly  armed,  marching  them  from  place 
to  place,  and  receiving  all  the  strange  Indians  that 
he  could  gather  from  all  quarters. 

The  Court  of  Plymouth  took  no  further  note  of 
these  proceedings  than  to  forbid,  on  a  penalty,  the 
lending  of  arms  to  the  Indians,  and  to  direct  a  mili- 
tary watch  to  be  established  in  the  towns  borderino- 
on  Philip's  territory,  hoping  that  Philip,  finding 
himself  not  likely  to  be  arraigned  by  the  Court  on 
account  of  the  murder,  would  remit  his  hostile  pre- 
parations, and  this  war  cloud  would  blow  over, 
as  others  had  before  it. 

On  the  14th  of  June,  at  the  urgent  solicitations  of 
Mr.  James  Brown,  of  Swanzey,  the  Governor  dis- 
patched a  letter  to  Philip,  filled  with  amicable  profes- 
sions, and  disclaiming  all  hostile  intentions,  but  com- 
plaining of  his  movements,  and  advising  him  to  dismiss 
all  the  strange  Indians  that  had  resorted  to  him,  and  to 
give  no  credit  to  the  sinister  reports  made  to  him  of 
the  English.  This  letter,  it  is  said,  he  answered 
only  with  threats  and  menaces  of  war.  Church,  in 
his  history  of  Philip's  war,  in  which  he  acted  so  im- 
portant a  part,  relates  that  at  this  interview  Philip's 


youni?  men  "would  fain  have  killed  Mr.  Brown," 
who,  Avith  Samuel  Gorton  (son  of  Samuel  Gorton  of 
Warwick)  as  interpreter,  and  two  other  men,  bore 
the  letter,  "but  Philip  prevented  it;  telling  them 
that  his  father  had  charged  him  to  show  kindness  to 
Mr.  Brown." 

Church  was  also  informed  at  the  same  time,  by 
Peter  Nannuit,  the  second  husband  of  Alexander's 
widow,  Wetamoe,  that  the  Indians  with  Philip  were 
so  impatient  for  war,  that  "Philip  was  forced  to 
promise  them  that  on  the  next  Lord's  day,  when 
the  English  were  gone  to  meeting,  they  should  rifle 
their  houses,  and  from  that  time  forwiird,  kill  their 
cattle."  Wetamoe  and  her  husband  were  at  variance 
in  the  war,  she  taking  sides  with  her  own  race,  and 
he  fighting  under  Church  with  the  English. 

Church  received  this  information  on  the  15th  of 
June,  and  was  so  impressed  with  its  importance 
that  he  immediately  started  for  Plymouth,  to  com- 
municate it  to  the  Governor,  where  he  arrived  early 
the  next  morning.  Governor  Winslow,  now  con- 
vinced that  a  war  with  Philip  was  unavoidable, 
ordered  the  whole  force  in  the  vicinity  to  march 
towards  Mount  Hope,  and  dispatched  messengers  to 
the  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  informino:  him  of 
the  hostile  movements  of  the  Indians,  and  soliciting 
immediate  assistance. 

On    Sundav,    the    20th    of    June,    accordinsf    to 
Philip's   promise,    eight   of  his    men,    fully  armed,    . 
left  Mount  Hope,  and  made  a  raid  into  the  adjoining 


town  of  Swanzey,  now  Warren,  in  this  State.  They 
called  at  the  door  of  a  colonist,  and  demanded  per- 
mission to  grind  their  hatchets.  He  informed  them 
that  it  Avas  the  Lord's  day,  and  that  it  would  be 
a  violation  of  God's  command  if  he  should  let  them 
do  it.  They  replied  :  "  We  know  not  who  your  God 
is,  and  we  shall  grind  our  hatchets,  for  all  you  or 
your  God  either."  They  then  went  to  another  house, 
and  demanded  and  helped  themselves  abundantly  to 
food.  Proceeding  along  the  road  they  chanced  to 
meet  a  colonist  Avhom  they  took  into  custody,  and 
kept  for  some  time,  and  then  dismissed  him,  de- 
risively telling  him  he  "should  not  work  on  the 
Lord's  day,  and  that  he  should  tell  no  lies."  As 
they  continued  on  the  road,  they  began  to  shoot  the 
cattle  which  they  saw  in  the  fields.  They  encoun- 
tered no  opposition,  as  the  houses  were  at  some 
distance  from  each  other,  and  most  of  the  men  were 
absent  at  public  worship.  At  last  they  came  to  a 
house  where  the  man  was  at  home.  They  shot  his 
cattle,  and  then  entered  the  house  and  demanded 
liquor.  This  was  refused,  and  they  attempted  to 
get  it  by  violence.  The  man,  at  last  provoked 
beyond  endurance,  seized  his  gun  and  shot  one  of 
them,  inflictins:  a  serious  thouiifh  not  mortal  wound. 
The  first  blood  was  now  shed,  and  by  the  English, 
and  the  drama  of  the  war  was  opened.  The  savages 
retired,  bearing  their  wounded  companion  with 
them,  and  threatening  war  and  slaughter  to  all  the 



[Read  before  the  Khode  Island  Historical  Society,  in  Providence,  March  28,  1876  ] 

My  second  paper,  read  before  this  Society,  on  the 
evening  of  March  16th,  1875,  closed  with  an  account 
of  the  raid  made  by  a  niuiiber  of  Philip's  Indians, 
from  Mount  Hope,  upon  the  inhabitants  of  Swanzey, 
on  Sunday,  June  20th,  1675 — the  opening  scene  in 
Philip's  War.  The  news  of  these  outrages  quickly 
spread  through  Plymouth  Colony,  and  led  the  au- 
thorities to  take  prompt  measures  to  protect  the  in- 
habitants of  the  towns  bordering  on  Mount  Hope. 
Church,  in  his  ^'Indian  Narrative,"  says,  "an  express 
came  the  same  day  (June  20th)  to  the  Governor  of 
Plymouth  Colony,  who  immediately  gave  orders  to 
the  captains  of  the  towns  to  march  the  greatest  part 
of  their  companies,  and  to  rendezvous  at  Taunton  on 
Monday  night,  where  Major  Bradford,  (son  of  Ex- 
Governor  William  Bradford,)  was  to  receive  them, 
and  dispose  them  under  Captain  Cudworth,  of 
Scituate.  The  Governor  (Josiah  Winslow)  desired 
Mr.  Church  to  give  them  his  company,  and  to  use  his 


interest  in  their  behalf,  with  the  gentlemen  of  Rhode 
Ishiiicl.  He  complied  with  it,  and  they  marched  next 
day,  Monday,  June  21st." 

The  Court  of  Plymouth,  besides  ordering  the  forces 
of  the  Colony  to  march  toward  Mount  Hope,  sent 
word  to  the  authorities  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  to 
hurry  forward  their  forces  ;  and  also  proclaimed  a 
fast,  in  view  of  the  threatened  difficulties  with  the 
Indians,  to  be  observed  throughout  the  Colony,  on 
the  following  Thursday,  June  24th. 

The  proclamation  reads  as  follows  : — 

"The  Council  of  this  Colony,  taking  into  their 
serious  consideration,  the  awful  hand  of  God  upon 
us,  in  permitting  the  heathen  to  carry  it  with  inso- 
lency  and  rage  against  us,  appearing  in  their  great 
hostile  preparations,  and  also  some  outrageous  car- 
riages, as  at  other  times,  so  in  special,  the  last  Lord's 
day,  to  some  of  our  neighbors  at  Swanzey,  to  the  ap- 
parent hazard,  if  not  real  loss  of  the  lives  of  some 
already  ;  do  therefore  judge  it  a  solemn  duty,  incum- 
bent upon  us  all,  to  lay  to  heart  this  dispensation  of 
God,  and  do  therefore  commend  it  to  all  the  churches, 
Ministers,  and  people  of  this  Colony,  to  set  apart  the 
24th  day  of  this  instant,  June,  which  is  the  5th  day 
of  this  week,  wherein  to  humble  ourselves  before  the 
Lord  for  all  those  sins  whereby  we  have  provoked  our 
good  God  sadly  to  interrupt  our  peace  and  comfort, 
and  also  humbly  to  seek  his  face  and  favor  in  the  gra- 


cious  continuance  of  our  peace  and  privileges,  and 
that  the  Lord  would  be  entreated  to  go  forth  with 
our  forces,  and  bless,  succeed,  and  prosper  them, 
deliverinof  them  from  the  hands  of  his  and  our  ene- 
mies,  subduing  the  heathen  before  them,  and  return- 
ing them  all  in  safety  to  their  families  and  relations 
again  ;  and  that  God  would  prepare  all  our  hearts 
humbly  to  submit  to  his  good  pleasure  concerning  us. 
"  By  order  of  the  Court  of  N.  P., 

"Nathaniel  Morton,  Secretary, 
"Plymouth,  June  22,  1675." 

Massachusetts,  before  the  actual  outbreak  occurred, 
had  determined  to  raise  one  hundred  men  for  the 
assistance  of  Plymouth ;  but  before  complying  with 
the  urgent  appeal  of  Plymouth  to  hurry  them  for- 
ward, they  thought  it  best  to  send  messengers  to 
Philip,  at  Mount  Hope,  to  divert  him,  if  possible, 
from  his  designs.  But  the  messengers,  seeing  some 
of  the  Swanzey  men  lying  murdered  in  the  road,  did 
not  think  it  safe  to  go  any  further,  and  returned  as 
fast  as  possible,  with  their  intelligence  to  Boston. 

The  people  of  Swanzey  and  Rehol)oth,  in  anticipa- 
tion of  an  outbreak,  had  selected  certain  houses  to 
garrison,  and  immediately  after  the  raid  of  the  20th 
of  June,  the  inhabitants  beffiin  to  srather  into  these 
retreats.  There  were  two  permanent  garrison  houses 
in  Rehoboth,  and  one  in  Swanzey,  into  which  the 
people  gathered,  and  where  they  rendezvoused  dur- 
ing the  war.     They  were  continually  guarded  in  time 


Of  danger,  unci  were  so  strongly  fortified   and  well- 
pro  visioned,  as  to  enable  a  few  men  to  sustain  a  lor... 
seige  against  a  large  body  of  savages.      Woodcock't 
garrison    in    Rehobotli     (now    Attleborough),    was 
named  from  John  Woodcock,  who    built  the  house 
and  occupied  it  before  the  war   and   after  it,  durinc. 
h.s  hfe,  for  a  public  tavern.     Bliss,  in   his  "History 
of  Rehoboth,"  says,  "this    garrison  was   in    Attle- 
borough,   near  the  Baptist  Meeting  House,  on  the 
spot   where   Hatch's  Tavern   now   stands.     A  public 
house  has  been  kept    there,    without    intermission 
from  July  5,  1670,  to  this  time,  September,  1835,  a 
period  of  nearly  one  hundred  and  sixty-five  years! 

"It  is  situated  on  the  Boston  and  Providence  turn- 
pike.    The  old  garrison  was  torn  down  in  1806,  and 
a  large  and  elegant  building  erected  on  the  spot,  bS 
feet  by   60,  three    stories    high.     The    old   garrison 
had  stood   one  hundred  and  thirty-six  years,  when  it 
was  pulled  down  ;  yet  a  great  part  of  the  timber  was 
said  to   be  perfectly  sound— 'pierced,  however,  by 
many  a  bullet  received   in  Philip's   war.'     A  small 
remnant,  one  room  of  the  old  garrison,  may  still  be 
seen  adjoining  the  old  wood-house.     A   relict  of  it, 
also,  it  is  said,  is  preserved   in  the   archives  of  the 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society."     So  wrote  Bliss, 
in  1835,  but  whether  the  "small  remnant,  one  room 
of  the  old  garrison,  adjoining  the  wood-house,"  may 
still  be  seen,  I  am  unable  to  say.     The  other  garri- 
son house,  in  Rehoboth,  stood  on  the  southeast  side 


of  the  Common  (Seekonk),  on  the  spot  occupied  by 
the  house  of  Phanuel  Bishop. 

The  principal  garrison-house  in  Swanzey  was  near 
Miles'  Bridge,  in  the  northern  part  of  the  town.  It 
was  called  "  Miles'  Garrison,"  from  Rev.  John  Miles, 
the  minister  of  Swanzey,  whose  house  was  garri- 
soned. It  stood  a  short  distance  west  of  Miles' 
Brido-e,  near  the  site  of  the  residence  of  the  late 
Mason  Barney.  This  Bridge  is  over  Palmer,  or 
So  warns  river,  about  three  miles  north  of  Warren, 
and  connects  the  northwestern  part  of  Swanzey  with 
Mount  Hope  Neck.  Bliss,  in  a  note  on  page  77, 
"History  of  Rehoboth,"  says  : — "In  the  year  1833, 
in  digging  or  enlarging  a  cellar  on  this  spot  (the  site 
of  the  Miles'  Garrison),  a  large  number  of  cannon 
balls  were  dug  out  of  the  ground  ;  which  leads  me 
to  suppose  that  this  was  the  site  of  the  garrison.  It 
is  not  mentioned  by  any  historian,  that  cannon  were 
used  by  the  English  at  Swanze}^  at  the  time  of  Philip's 
war.  But  I  know  of  no  other  purpose  for  which 
those  balls  could  have  been  deposited  there.  The 
place  where  they  were  found,  I  conjecture  to  have 
been  the  spot  of  Mr.  Miles'  cellar." 

Several  other  houses  were  occupied  temporarily 
as  garrisons  ;  but  the  three  above  described  were  the 
strongest,  and  were  always  resorted  to  in  the  times 
of  greatest  danger.  Bourn's  garrison  at  Mettapoiset, 
was  one  of  the  former,  and  Brown's  garrison  at  Wan- 
namoiset,  was  another.     Mettapoiset  was  what  is  now 


known  .s  Gardner's  Neck,  in  Swanzey,  east  of  War- 
ren.    It  IS  SIX  miles  from  Mount  Hope,  and  about  the 
same  distance  from   Miles'  Bridge.     The  exact  site 
ot  Bourn  s  house  is  not  known,  but  was  probably  well 
down  the  neck,  and   near  the  shore,  convenient  for 
the  transportation  of  the  women  and  children  in  boats 
down  Mount  Hope  Bay,  to  Rhode  Island.      Brown's 
garrison  was  in  what  is  now  the  southern  part  of  East 
I^rovidence,  on  the  road  from  Providence  to  W^arren 
near  to  and  on   the  opposite  side  of  the  road  of  the 
residence  of  Samuel  Viall.     Mr.  Viall's  house  is  well 
known    as   the   site  of  the  Thomas  Willett   house 
Bicknell,  111  his  "Historical  Sketches  of  Barrinirton," 
says  the  bricks  in  the   chimney  of  Mr.  Viall's  "house 
are  the  same  ones  used  by  Mr.  Willett,  and  were  either 
made  by  the   Dutch  in  New  York,  or  imported  from 
Holland.     There  are  two  doors  in  the  present  house 
that  were  taken  from  the   old  house,  and  which  still 
preserve  the  somewhat  ftmtastic  and  ornamental  paint- 
mgof  two  hundred  (or  more)  years   ago.     One  of 
the    original    doors    taken    from    Captain   Willett's 
dwelling,  and  his  sword,  are  in  the  possession  of  the 
city  of  New  York." 

A  few  words  in  description  of  Mount  Hope  Neck, 
and  we  will  return  to  the  events  of  the  war.  Mount 
Hope  Neck  is  about  nine  miles  in  length,  two  miles 
wide  at  the  north  end  in  Swanzey,  and  nearly  three 
miles  wide  at  the  south  end  in  Bristol,  and  narrowing 
to  less  than  one  mile  in  Warren,  at  a  point  where  the 


railroad  track  crosses  the  main  street  at  the  southern 
entrance  of  the  compact  part  of  the  town.  About 
one-half  of  the  neck  projects  into  the  Bay — bounded 
on  the  east  by  Mount  Hope  Bay,  and  on  the  west  by 
Narragansett  Bay.  The  remaining  part  of  the  neck 
is  formed  by  the  Kickemuit  river  on  the  east,  and 
Warren,  or  Palmer's  river,  on  the  west.  About  one 
mile  of  the  northern  end  of  the  neck  is  in  Swanzey  ; 
the  next  three  miles,  including  the  "narrow  of  the 
neck,"  are  in  Warren ;  the  remaining  five  miles  are 
in  Bristol.  Kickemuit  is  in  Warren,  east  of  the  vil- 
lage. Near  Kickemuit  Spring,  before  the  advent  of 
the  English,  there  was,  probably,  a  large  Indian  vil- 

There  was  an  English  settlement  within  Mount 
Hope  Neck,  in  the  northern  part,  appertaining  to 
Swanzey.  It  contained  eighteen  houses,  all  of  which 
were  destroyed  in  the  early  part  of  Philip's  war. 
Warren,  it  will  be  recollected,  was  set  off  from  Swan- 
zey when  the  boundary  line  between  Khode  Island 
and  Massachusetts  was  adjusted  in  1746-47. 

The  first  troops  that  arrived  at  Swanzey  at  the 
beginning  of  the  war,  Avere  a  Bridgewater  Company. 
The  express  sent  on  the  20th  June  to  Plymouth,  to 
notify  the  Governor  of  the  threatened  danger,  on  its 
return  the  next  day,  left  a  requisition  at  Bridgewa- 
ter, for  twenty  well  armed  men  to  repair  forthwith 
for  the  defence  of  Bourn's  garrison  at  Mettapoiset, 
which   contained   seventy  persons,   sixteen    only   of 


whotn  were  men,  the  remainder  being  women  and 
children.  This  garrison,  it  will  be  remembered,  was 
within  six  miles  of  Mount  Hope  proper,  and  was 
probably  considered  to  be  in  most  imminent  peril. 
Seventeen  of  the  Bridgewater  troops  immediately 
started  on  horseback,  "and  were  the  first  that  were 
upon  their  march  in  all  the  country."  Baylies,  in  his 
"Memoirs  of  Plymouth  Colony,"  says  the  Bridge- 
water  Company  reached  Swanzey  (Mettapoiset)  on 
the  21st  June,  and  were  ordered  there  by  Captain 
(Major)  Bradford.  On  their  way,  they  were  met  by 
a  number  of  people  of  Swanzey,  who  had  abandoned 
their  homes,  and  were  flying  from  the  enemy,  "  wring- 
in2:  their  hands,  and  bewailins:  their  losses."  On  the 
next  day  (22nd),  as  a  part  of  these  troops  were  re- 
turning to  the  garrison  from  another  part  of  the  town, 
where  they  had  been  to  escort  Mr.  Brown,  (a  son  of 
the  Assistant),  their  pilot  of  the  previous  day,  home, 
they  fell  in  with  a  party  of  thirty  Indians.  As  their 
orders  were  positively  to  act  only  on  the  defensive, 
they  quietly  passed  them,  and  reached  the  garrison 
without  molestation.  Before  reaching  the  garrison, 
however,  they  met  a  part}'  of  the  English  with  carts, 
going  to  a  barn,  about  one-fourth  of  a  mile  distant, 
for  corn.  The  soldiers  informed  the  drivers  that  the 
Indians  were  out,  and  advised  them  not  to  proceed. 
But,  heedless  of  the  advice,  they  went  on,  and  were 
surprised  and  attacked  at  the  barn,  and  six  of  their 
number  killed  or  mortally  wounded.     The  troops 


hearing  the  attack,  mounted  their  horses,  and  rode 
towards  the  barn,  hut  before  they  could  reach  there, 
the  affair  was  over,  and  the  enemy  had  fled.  One 
Jones  escaped  with  a  mortal  wound,  and  barely 
reached  his  friends  to  die  in  their  arms.  This  tragi- 
cal affair,  in  which  the  first  English  blood  was  shed, 
occurred  on  Tuesday,  June  22nd. 

"The  gathering  storm,"  says  Baylies,  "had  now 
burst  upon  the  devoted  town  of  Swanzey.  The  first 
blood  was  shed  at  Mettapoiset."  The  troops  re- 
mained at  Bourn's  garrison  until  they  were  rein- 
forced, and  then  the  house  was  abandoned,  and  its 
inmates  transported  in  safety  to  Rhode  Island. 

On  Thursday,  June  24th,  the  day  appointed  for 
the  fast,  as  the  Swanzey  people  were  returning  from 
church,  "where  they  were  met  in  the  way  of  humil- 
iation that  day,"  they  were  tired  upon  by  the  Indians, 
and  one  man  was  killed,  and  another  wounded.  Two 
men  going  for  a  surgeon  to  attend  the  wounded  man, 
were  killed  in  the  way.  Six  men  were  killed  in 
another  part  of  the  town  ;  and  in  a  short  time,  so 
closely  were  the  colonists  beset,  that  the  Indians 
would  "shoot  at  all  the  passengers,  and  killed  many 
that  ventured  abroad."  Some  writers  have  supposed 
that  the  troops  could  not  have  been  in  Swanzey  on  the 
24th,  because  of  these  occurrences;  but  Captain 
Church  states  that  the  Plymouth  forces  were  there 
on  the  24th,  and  a  letter  of  Nathaniel  Thomas,  in 
"Morton's  Memorial,"  page  429,  dated  June   25th, 


speaks  of  the  tragical  affairs  of  the  previous  day,  and 
adds  : — "  The  forces  here  are  dispersed  to  several 
places  of  the  town,  and  some  toRehoboth,  which  this 
da}^  we  intend  to  draw  into  a  smaller  compass." 
Swanzey  was  a  large  town,  being  not  less  than 
twelve  miles  in  length,  and  the  Plymouth  forces  were 
probably  quartered  in  detached  companies,  in  differ- 
ent parts  of  the  town.  They  had  reason  to  believe 
that  the  Indians  were  in  too  large  force  at  Mount 
Hope,  for  them  to  venture  down  the  Neck  to  attack 
them,  until  reinforced  b}^  the  Boston  troops.  Hub- 
bard says,  referring  to  these  early  attacks  of  the  In- 
dians, "  all  which  outrages  were  committed  so  sud- 
denly, that  the  English  had  no  time  to  make  any 

On  the  26th  of  June,  a  company  of  foot,  under 
Captain  Henchman,  and  a  troop  of  horse,  commanded 
by  Captain  Prentice,  marched  from  Boston  towards 
Mount  Hope.  During  their  march,  they  observed 
an  eclipse  of  the  moon,  and  some  of  the  soldiers  im- 
agined that  they  discovered  a  black  spot  on  the  face, 
resembling  the  scalp  of  an  Indian ;  while  others 
fancied  that  they  saw  the  form  of  an  Indian  bow. 
"But  (says  Hubbard)  after  the  moon  had  waded 
throngh  the  dark  shadow  of  the  earth,  and  borrowed 
her  light  again,  by  the  help  thereof,  the  two  compa- 
nies marched  on  towards  Woodcock's  house,  thirty 
miles  from  Boston,  where  they  arrived  next  morn- 
ing."    They    remained    until    afternoon,    when  they 


were  joined  by  a  company  of  volunteers,  under  Cap- 
tain Samuel  Mosely,  and  on  the  next  day,  28th,  they 
all  arrived  at  Swanzey,  at  Mr.  Miles'  house.  "They 
arriving  there  some  little  time  before  night,"  con- 
tinues Hubbard,  "twelve  of  the  troop,  unwilling  to 
lose  time,  passed  over  the  bridge  for  discovery  in  the 
enemy's  territories,  when  they  found  the  rude  wel- 
come of  eight  or  ten  Indians  firing  upon  them  out  of 
the  bushes,  killing  one  William  Hammond,  and 
wounding  one  Corporal  Belcher,  his  horse  being  shot 
down  under  him ;  the  rest  of  the  said  troops  having 
discharged  upon  those  Indians  that  run  away  after 
their  first  shot,  carried  off  their  two  dead  and 
wounded  companions,  and  so  retired  to  their  main 
guard  that  night,  pitching  in  a  barricado  about  Mr. 
Miles'  house."  Captain  Benjamin  Church  was  one 
of  this  company,  and  displayed  that  coolness  and 
daring:  that  afterwards  so  distini^uished  him  in  the 
war,  and  made  him  its  great  hero. 

On  the  next  day,  Tuesday,  29th  June,  several  In- 
dians showing  themselves  near  the  garrison,  the  troop 
of  horse,  and  Mosely's  volunteers,  pursued  them  a 
mile  and  a  quarter  beyond  the  bridge,  killing  five  or 
six  of  the  Indians,  and  then  returned  to  headquarters. 
It  is  said  that  this  chars^e  of  the  Ens^lish  force  alarmed 
Philip,  and  determined  him  to  abandon  Mount  Hope 
Neck.  But  to  me  it  seems  more  probable  that  the 
squad  of  Indians  near  the  bridge  were  sent  there  to 
give  Philip  notice  of  the  arrival  of  the  English  forces, 


to  enable  him  to  make  his  arrangements  to  abandon 
Mount  Hope  Neck.  For,  had  he  remained,  he  would 
have  been  caught  in  a  cul  de  sac,  and  compelled  to 
fight  a  decisive  battle  with  the  colonists,  who  he  knew 
were  much  better  armed  and  drilled  than  his  forces. 
Pitched  battles  might  do  for  the  English,  but  they 
w^ere  not  the  Indian  mode  of  warfare.  That  ni^ht 
Philip  and  his  forces  abandoned  Mount  Hope  Neck, 
and  in  their  canoes  passed  over  Taunton  river  to  Po- 

On  Wednesday,  June  30th,  the  whole  English 
force  crossed  the  bridge  and  marched  down  the  neck 
towards  Mount  Hope.  Near  what  are  now  known 
as  King's  Rocks,  a  mile  and  a  half  from  the  bridge, 
they  came  to  some  houses  newly  burned ;  and  a 
Bible  newly  torn,  and  the  leaves  scattered  about, 
"by  the  enemy  in  hatred  of  our  religion  therein  re- 
vealed," says  Hubbard.  Two  or  three  miles  further, 
at  the  ''  narrow  of  the  neck,"  in  Kickemuit,  they  saw 
the  heads  of  eight  Englishmen  that  were  killed  near 
the  head  of  Mettapoiset  Neck,  stuck  up  on  poles, 
near  the  highway.  Fessenden  says  this  was  near 
the  pound  on  Kickemuit  river.  The  pound,  he  adds, 
did  not  then  exist,  but  was  first  built  in  1685. 
These  were  taken  down  and  buried.  Marching  on 
two  miles  further,  they  came  to  the  "  narrows  "  (of 
the  river)  "where  they  found  divers  wigwams  of 
the  enemy,  amongst  which  were  many  things  scat- 
tered up  and  down,  arguing  the   hasty  flight  of  the 


owners."  Half  a  mile  further,  passing  tbrongh 
stately  fields  of  corn  the  while,  which  they  trod 
down  and  destroyed  (one  writer  says  there  were  a 
thousand  acres  of  corn  growing),  they  came  to 
Philip's  own  wigwam,  at  Mount  Hope.  Two  miles 
further  the}^  came  to  the  seaside  (Bristol  Ferry), 
and  Captain  Cudworth,  with  some  of  the  Plymouth 
forces,  passed  over  to  Rhode  Island. 

Major  Savage  and  his  command  bivouacked  all 
through  a  rainy  night,  in  the  open  field,  and  the 
next  morning,  July  1st,  returned  to  their  head- 
quarters at  Miles'  garrison,  seeing  many  stray  dogs 
on  the  Neck  without  masters.  On  the  next  day 
(Tuesday,  July  2d),  a  portion  of  the  troops  scoured 
the  country  north  of  Miles'  bridge,  and  killed  four 
or  five  Indians.  One  of  the  Indians  killed  in  this  . 
raid  was  said  to  be  a  brother  of  Philip,  though 
Hubbard  speaks  of  him  as  "a  chief  counsellor  of 
Philip."  If  his  brother,  it  must  have  been  Sun- 
conewhew.  All  that  is  known  of  him  is,  that  his 
name  appears,  signed  to  a  deed  of  Philip,  of  lands 
on  both  sides  of  Palmer's  river,  in  1668.  "The 
mark  of  Sunconewhew,  Philip's  brother,"  appears 
on  this  deed.  Another  of  the  killed,  says  Hubbard, 
was  ''Thebe,  a  Sachem  of  Mount  Hope."  This  was 
undoubtedly  Peebee,  whose  name  is  also  attached  to 
the  same  deed  as  "counsellor."  Peebee  resided  in 
Barrington,  opposite  Warren,  on  what  is  known  as 
Peebce's    neck — usually    spelled   on    modern   maps, 


"Phebe."     This  deed  may  be  found  entire  in  Bliss' 
"History  of  Rehoboth,"  pp.  ()4,  65. 

On  Sunday,  July  4,  Captain  Cudvvorth  returned 
from  Rhode  Island  to  the  garrison,  leaving  forty 
men  under  command  of  Captain  Church,  to  l)uild  a 
fort  at  the  "Narrows,"  much  to  the  disgust  of 
Church,  who  "told  them  that  Philip  was  doubtless 
gone  over  to  Pocasset  side  to  engage  those  Indians  in 
a  rebellion  with  him,  which  they  soon  found  to  be 
true."  Church  continues  : — "  A  strand  council  was 
held,  and  a  resolve  passed,  to  build  a  fort  there,  to 
maintain  the  first  ground  they  had  gained,  by  the  In- 
dians leaving  it  to  them.  And  to  speak  the  truth,  it 
must  be  said,  that  as  they  gained  not  that  field  by  the 
sword,  nor  their  bow,  so  it  was  rather  their  fear  than 
their  courage,  that  obliged  them  to  set  up  the  marks 
of  their  conquest."  He  looked  upon  the  fort  and 
talked  of  it,  with  contempt,  and  urged  hard  the  pur- 
suing the  enemy  on  Pocasset  side.* 

The  site  of  this  fort,  at  the  "Narrows"  (Bristol 
side),  is  still  pointed  out,  though  the  hill  on  which  it 
was  located  has  been  so  badly  washed  by  the  action 
of  the  water  at  its  base,  as  to  remove  nearly  every 
vestige  of  the  fort.  I  have  within  two  years  picked 
up  some  pieces  of  stone,  half  way  down  the  bank,  dis- 
colored by  heat  and  smoke,  which  were  probably 
used  in  the  fire-place. 

Church  urged  the  pursuit  of  the  enemy  on  the  Po- 

*  Church's  Philip's  War,  p.  35. 


casset  side,  with  the  greater  earnestness,  becanse  of 
a  promise  he  had  made  to  Awashonks,  the  Squaw 
Sachem  of  the  Sogkonnate  Indians,  a  few  days  before 
hostilities  commenced,  that  he  would  see  her  again 
within  a  few  days  ;  and  he  believed,  if  he  could  keep 
his  promise,  he  would  be  able  to  secure  her  and  her 
tribe  as  allies  of  the  English ;  or  at  least  to  prevent 
them  trom  taking  an  active  part  with  Philip. 

After  some  delay,  orders  came  for  Captain  Fuller, 
with  six  tiles,  to  cross  the  Bay,  and  "try  if  he  could 
get  speech  with  any  of  the  Pocasset  or  Sogkonnate 
Indians,  and  that  Mr.  Church  should  go  his  second." 
They  drew  out  the  number  assigned  them,  36  in  all, 
and  marched  the  same  night  (6th  July)  to  Bristol 
Ferry,  and  were  transported  over  to  Rhode  Island  ; 
and  the  next  night  passed  over  to  Pocasset,  in  Rhode 
Island  boats.  On  the  morning  of  the  8th,  Church, 
with  nineteen  men,  marched  down  the  neck  into 
'•Punkatee's  Neck,"  the  southern  part  of  Tiverton, 
where  he  and  his  little  party  were  attacked  by  a  large 
body  of  Indians,  in  "  Almy's  Peas-field."  Notwith- 
standing the  great  disparity  in  numbers.  Church  suc- 
ceeded in  withdrawing  his  little  company  to  the  sea- 
shore, though  hotly  pressed  by  the  Indians,  where 
they  were  discovered  by  Captain  Golding,  of  Rhode 
Island,  who  came  to  their  rescue  with  his  sloop,  and 
transported  them,  without  loss,  back  to  the  Ishuid. 

Captain  Fuller  and  his  squad  of  seventeen  men, 
also  encountered  a  large  body  of  the  enemy,  but  for- 


tiinately  was  in  the  vicinity  of  the  water,  and  near  an 
old  house,  in  which  he  and  his  men  sheltered  them- 
selves, until  a  vessel  discovered  and  conveyed  them 
oflf,  with  no  other  loss  than  havins:  two  men  wounded. 

The  Massachusetts  forces,  distrusting  the  Narra- 
gansetts,  marched  into  their  conntry,  and  by  force  of 
arms,  compelled  such  of  their  Sachems  as  they  could 
reach,  to  unite  in  a  treaty  with  them  against  the 
Wampanoags,  and  stipulating  that  all  of  that  tribe 
that  should  be  found  among  them,  should  be  deliv- 
ered up.  This  treaty  was  of  no  account,  and  was 
broken  as  soon  as  the  Massachusetts  forces  withdrew 
from  their  country.  The  treaty  was  signed  at  Peta- 
quamscot,  July  15,  1675,  and  bore  the  marks  of 
Tawageson,  Agamaug,  and  Wampsh,  alias  Corman, 
who,  in  the  body  of  the  treaty,  are  represented  as 
Counsellors  and  Attorneys  to  Canonicus,  Ninigret, 
Matataog,  old  Queen  Quaiapen,  Quananshit,  and 
Ponapham,  "  the  six  present  Sachims  of  the  whole 
Narragansett  country."  It  took  four  days  to  conclude 
this  treaty,  and  which  could  only  have  been  regarded, 
even  by  the  representatives  of  Massachusetts  and 
Connecticut,  as  the  merest  sham. 

On  Monday,  July  18th,  the  Massachusetts  and 
Plymouth  forces  combined,  reached  the  swamp  in 
Pocasset  where  Philip  and  his  forces  were  encamped. 
As  the  colonists  entered  the  sWamp,  they  were  fired 
upon,  and  six  of  their  number  killed,  and  seven 
wounded.     After  the  first  shot,  the  Indians   retired 


deeper  into  the  swamp,  deserting  their  wigwams, 
about  one  hundred  in  number,  newly  made  of  green 
])ark,  so  as  they  would  not  burn.  The  English,  tind- 
ine:  it  difficult  and  dangerous  to  pursue  the  Indians 
further  into  the  swamp,  abandoned  their  plan  of  direct 
attack,  and  withdrew  with  the  intention  of  starving 
them  out.  To  quote  from  Hubbard: — "It  was 
judged  that  the  enemy  being  by  this  means  brought 
into  a  pound,  it  would  be  no  hard  matter  to  deal 
with  them,  and  that  it  would  be  needless  charge  to 
keep  so  many  companies  of  soldiers  together,  to  wait 
upon  such  an  inconsiderable  enemy,  now  almost  as 
good  as  taken  ;  whereupon,  most  of  the  companies 
belonging  to  the  Massachusetts  were  drawn  ofl';  only 
Captain  Henchman,  with  an  hundred  foot,  being  left 
there,  together  with  Plymouth  forces,  to  attend  the 
enemy's  motion,  being  judged  sufficient  for  that  end." 
To  prevent  Philip's  escape,  the  English  forces  be- 
gan to  build  a  fort.  Church  had  no  better  opinion 
of  this  movement,  than  of  the  erection  of  a  fort  at 
the  "Narrows"  in  Mount  Flope  Neck.  He  says; — 
"The  army  now  lay  still  to  cover  the  people  from 
nobody,  while  they  were  building  a  fort  for  nothing." 
Philip  at  once  suspected  their  design,  and  took  prompt 
steps  to  efiect  his  escape.  "The  swamp  where  they 
were  lodged,"  I  again  quote  from  Hubbard,  "being  not 
far  from  an  arm  of  the  sea,  coming  up  to  Taunton, 
they,  taking  the  advantage  of  a  low  tide,  either 
waded  over  one   night   in   the  end  of  July,  or  else 


wafted  themselves  over  upon  small  rafts  of  timber 
very  early  before  break  of  day,  by  which  means  the 
greatest  part  of  the  company  escaped  away  into  the 
woods,  leading  into  the  Nipmuck  country,  altogether 
unknown  to  the  English  forces  that  lay  encamped  on 
the  other  side  of  the  swamp.  About  an  hundred  or 
more  of  the  women  and  children,  which  were  like  to 
be  rather  burthensome  than  serviceable,  were  left  be- 
hind, who  soon  after  resigned  up  themselves  to  the 
mercy  of  the  English." 

It  was  said  that  by  arrangement,  the  Wampanoags 
sent  their  wives  and  children  over  the  Bay  to  the 
Narragansetts,  for  protection,  before  hostilities  com- 
menced. But  the  above  incident  clearly  indicates 
that  it  was  not  so.  The  "  arm  of  the  sea"  where 
Philip  crossed,  is  supposed  to  have  been  Taunton 
river,  near  the  "Dighton  Writing  Rock." 

"Philip,  in  crossing  the  great  plain  of  Seekonk," 
says  Bliss,  "was  discovered  by  the  people  of  Reho- 
both,  who,  headed  by  the  Rev.  Noah  Newman,  their 
minister,  and  accompanied  by  a  small  party  of  Mohe- 
gans,  gave  him  a  close  and  brisk  pursuit,  killing 
twelve  of  his  men,  without  sustaining  any  loss  on 
their  part." 

Hubbard  says  : — "The  Mohegans,  with  the  men  of 
Rehoboth,  and  some  of  Providence,  came  upon  their 
rear  over  night,  slew  about  thirty  of  them,  took  much 
plunder  from  them,  without  any  considerable  loss  to 
the  English."     This  force  consisted  of  74  English,  34 


of  whom  were  from  Providence,  and  54  friendly  In- 

Captain  Henchman,  who,  it  will  be  remembered, 
was  stationed  at  Pocasset,  hearing  of  Philip's  flight, 
as  soon  as  he  could  get  over  the  river  with  six  files  of 
men  (6S  in  number),  "rowing  hard  all  or  most  part 
of  the  day  to  get  to  Providence,  followed  after  the 
enemy."  At  Providence  he  was  joined  by  the  Mohe- 
gans,  and  they  pursued  Philip  to  JSfipsacket  (in  Rur- 
rillville),  when  they  gave  over  the  chase.  Adds 
Hubbard  : — "By  this  means  Philip  escaped  away  to 
the  westward,  kindling  the  flame  of  war  in  all  the 
w^estern  plantations  of  the  Massachusetts  Colony, 
wherever  he  came."  In  the  pursuit  of  Philip  from 
Providence,  Captain  Henchman  was  supplied  with 
provisions  by  Captain  Andrew  Edmunds,  of  Provi- 
dence, and  Lieutenant  Brown,  "  w^io  brought  pro- 
visions after  him  to  the  Nipmuck  Forts." 

There  was  great  complaint  that  Philip  was  per- 
mitted to  escape  from  Pocasset;  and  also,  that  he 
was  not  more  vigorously  pursued.  Hubbard  re- 
marks: — "But  what  the  reason  was  wh}^  Philip  was 
followed  no  further,  it  is  better  to  suspend,  than  too 
critically  inquire.  This  is  now  the  third  time  when 
a  good  opportunity  for  suppressing  the  rebellion  of 
the  Indians,  was  put  into  the  hands  of  the  English  ; 
but  time  and  chance  happeneth  to  all  men,  so  that 
the  most  likely  means  are  often  frustrated  of  their 
desired  end." 


We  must  now  pass  rapidly  over  events,  tracing 
Philip  in  his  movements  as  far  as  we  are  able  to  cio  so. 

On  the  5th  of  August,  in  a  swamp,  not  far  from 
Quabaog,  (Brookfield,)  Philip,  with  forty  of  his  men, 
forms  a  junction  with  the  Nipmucks.  On  the  same 
day,  a  severe  fight  takes  place  at  Sugar  Loaf  Hill,  in 
which  9  or  10  English,  and  26  Indians  are  slain. 
August  2 2d,  Lancaster  is  attacked,  and  eight  of  its 
inhabitants  are  killed.  Part  of  the  town  of  Deer- 
field  is  burned,  and  one  man  killed,  on  the  1st  ot 
September.  On  the  same  day  the  Indians  attack  the 
town  of  Hadley,  but  are  repulsed.  It  was  in  this 
action  that  General  Goffe,  one  of  the  regicide  Judges, 
is  said  to  have  left  his  hiding  place  in  Rev.  John 
Russell's  house,  and  rallied  the  inhabitants  at  a  criti- 
cal moment  of  the  fight,  and  drove  them  ofi".  His 
sudden  presence  in  the  fight,  and  his  equally  mysteri- 
ous disappearance  after  the  fight  was  over,  was  a 
great  mystery  to  the  people  of  Hadley.  They  re- 
garded the  circumstance  as  a  direct  interposition  of 
Divine  Providence  in  their  behalf.  God  had  sent 
one  of  his  angels  to  succor  them.  It  is -most  remark- 
able that  Generals  Whaley  and  Gofie  could  remain 
secreted  in  the  house  of  Rev.  Mr.  Russell  so  many 
years,  without  discovery.  And  Mr.  Russell  nuist 
have  been  a  sturdy  man  to  harbor  them,  at  the  risk 
of  the  swift  and  sure  vengeance  of  Charles  II,  his 
king,  if  discovered.  Mr.  Russell's  son  Jonathan 
was  pastor  of  the  church  at  Barnstable,  and   his   son 



Joseph  came  to  Bristol  a  young  man,    and   resided 
there  the  remainder  of  his  life.     He  was  many  years 
Town    Clerk   and   Treasurer    of  Bristol.       He    also 
served  ten  years  as  one  of  the  Assistant  Justices  of 
the  Supreme  Court  of  this  Colony,  and  three  terms 
as  Chief  Justice.     He  died  July  31st,   1780,  in  the 
78th  year  of  his   age,   leaving   three    children,    two 
sons  and  a  daughter.     His  son  Jonathan  was  the  first 
Collector   of   Customs  of  the    Port    of  Bristol,    ap- 
pointed by  Jefferson.     Neither  Jonathan  or  his  sister 
Nancy  ever  married.     Nathaniel,  the  other  son,  mar- 
ried  a  daughter  of  the   late    Bishop    DeHone,    and 
their  descendants  are  connected  with  Bristol  famdies. 
Descendants,  also,  of  Rev.  Jonathan  Russell's  oldest 
daughter  Rebecca,  are  now  living  in  Bristol. 

On  September  2d,  9  or  10  English  are  kdled  at 
Northfield,  and  the  next  day.  Captain  Beers  and  20 
men  are  surprised  near  the  same  place,  and  all  ot 
them  are  slain;  and  soon  after  the  town  is  entirely 
destroyed.  On  the  18th  of  September,  Captain 
Lothrop,  with  a  company  of  about  90  men  are  cut 
off  almost  to  a  man  at  Deerfield.  The  next  day, 
the  Indians  are  repulsed  from  Deerfield,  but  they 
soon  after  return,  and  destroy  the  town,  together 
with  Hatfield*   and  a  portion    of  Hadley.     On   the 

*The  attack  upon  Hatfield,  ended,  after  killing  and  burning,  "in  the  carry- 
ing away,  northward,  of  seventeen  captives,  mostly  wives,  mothers,  and  young 

children."    ******  ,,+  1,0,1 

"Two  brave  and  patient  men,  whose  wives  and  children  had  been  snatciiea 
from  them  into  the  horrors  of  this  exile-Benjamin  Wait  and  Stephen  Jennings 
-after  suffering  their  solitude  for  a  month,  in  the  vain  hope  ot  someettecm 


19  th  of  October,  Had  ley  is  again  attacked  by  700  or 
800  Indians  ;  but  they  are  repulsed  with  the  loss  of 
many  of  their  number.  Thirty-two  houses  in  Sprino-- 
field  are  burnt  about  this  time.  Philip  is  the  o-reat 
leader  in  all  these  actions. 

On  the  18th  of  October,  Canonchet  and  other 
Chief  men  of  the  Narragansetts,  visit  Boston,  and 
make  a  treaty  with  the  English.  As  early  as  the 
middle  of  November,  the  United  Colonies,  con- 
vinced that  the  Narragansetts  were  affording  shelter 
to  Philip  and  his  Nipmuck  allies  contrary  to  their 
treaty  stipulations,  determined  to  make  war  upon 
them.  An  army  having  been  gathered  at  Dedham, 
on  the  9th  of  December,  they  take  up  their  line  of 
march  for  Narragansett.  Arriving  at  Providence,  a 
portion  of  the  army  proceed  to  Wickford  b}^  water, 
while  the  remainder  march  down  through  the  country 
on  the  west  side  of  the  bay,  to  the  same  rendezvous, 
which  was  Major  Richard  Smith's  garrison  at  Sowgan, 

pursuit  or  negotiation,  arose  and  went  forth  together  with  their  grief.  Their 
first  point  was  Alban}^  where  the  unfeeling  autliorities  not  only  discouraged 
them,  but  sent  them  by  force  to  New  York,  to  Gov.  Andros.  The  dear  faces 
were  farther  off  than  ever !  Every  day  was  a  fresh  anguish.  A  month  more, 
and  they  were  back  at  Albany,  with  permission  to  proceed.  But  new  hindrances 
met  them.  Winter  was  setting  in.  .At  last  they  hired  a  Mohawk  to  guide 
them  to  Lake  George,  where  he  left  them,  with  a  canoe  and  a  rough  sketch  of 
tlie  route.  They  were  the  first  New  Englanders  that  passed  that  way  to  Caia- 
ada.  Over  the  two  Lakes,  over  the  hills,  and  the  streams,  and  through  the  ice 
and  frost,  paddling  their  canoes,  or  bearing  them  on  their  backs,  sleeping  be- 
tween the  snow  and  the  stars,  with  only  God's  hand  to  lead  them,  and  the  faith 
in  Him  to  uphold  them,  and  the  love  of  the  dear  ones  to  urge  tliem  on,— they 
made  their  difficult  way,  till,  at  last,  in  January,  at  Sorell,  they  overtook  and 
greeted  the  lost.  Who  of  us  would  not  give  some  tears  to  see  that  meeting? 
The  captives  were  all  redeemed,  save  three  that  had  perished.    Protected  by  a 


(Wickford).  General  Winslow,  (Governor  of  Ply- 
mouth Colony,)  was  commander-in-chief  of  the  ex- 
pedition. He  hoped  in  the  night  to  surprise  and 
capture  Pumham,  a  noted  chief  of  the  Narragansetts, 
and  his  town  at  Shawomut,  (Warwick).  But  Pum- 
ham was  made  aware  of  their  approach  and  escaped. 
Seven  of  the  Indians  were  killed,  and  8  taken  pris- 
oners, and  150  wigwams  burned. 

On  the  16th  of  December,  the  Indians  attacked 
and  burned  Jireh  Bull's  garrison  at  Petaquamscot, 
(Tower  Hill,  South  Kingstown,)  and  killed  15 
persons,  only  two  escaping.  This  was  a  heavy  loss 
to  the  army,  as  they  expected  to  find  good  quarters 
here  on  their  march  to  attack  the  Indians  in  their 
swampy  retreat. 

On  Saturday,  the  18th  of  December,  the  entire 
army,  numbering  about  1,000  men,  (the  Connecticut 
forces  having  joined  the  army  at  Wickford  the  same 
day,)  commenced  their  march  to   attack  the   Narra- 

French  guard,  they  traveled  back  to  Albany,  in  May.  One  day  a  messenger 
appeared  at  Hatfield,  and  the  news  spread  from,  honse  to  house,  awakening 
anxious  inquiries,  heart-throbs  of  new  fear,  and  weepings  of  joy,  that  the  res- 
cued prisoners  were  safe!  Two  touching  letters  were  brought,  which  were 
sent  forward  to  Boston,  were  read  publicly  in  the  churches  of  the  Colony, 
where  thanksgivings  were  offered  up,  and  with  apostolic  charity  collections 
were  taken  for  the  ransom,  for  the  heroes,  and  for  their  families.  Benjamin 
Wait  wrote  from  Albany  to  his  Hatfield  neighbors  :— '  Any  that  have  love  to 
our  condition,  let  it  move  them  to  come  and  help  us.  We  must  come  very 
softly,  because  of  our  wives  and  children.  I  pray  you  hasten — stay  not  for  the 
Sabbath,  nor  shoeing  of  horses— stay  not  night  nor  day.'  The  Hatfield  people 
met  tlie  party  at  Kinderhook,  and  led  them  in  with  praises  to  God  who  '  loos- 
eth  tiie  prisoners,  and  bringeth  them  by  a  way  they  have  not  known.' "—^ic- 
tract  from  the  Address  of  Prof.  Hantington,  at  the  Two  Hundredth  Anniver- 
sary of  the  settlement  of  Hadley,  Mass.,  June  8th,  1859. 


gansetts.  That  night  the  army  bivouacked  on  the 
now  desolate  Tower  Hill,  without  shelter  for  officers 
or  men.  The  night  was  bitter  cold,  and  there  was 
a  heavy  fall  of  snow.  All  suffered  severely,  and 
some  of  the  men  were  so  badly  frozen  in  their  hands 
and  feet  as  to  be  disabled.  The  snow  was  from  two 
to  three  feet  deep  when  the  army  renewed  their 
forward  movement  on  Sunday  morning.  Hubbard 
says  : — "  Through  all  these  difficulties  they  marched 
from  the  break  of  the  next  day,  December  19th,  till 
one  of  the  clock  in  the  afternoon,  without  either  fire 
to  warm  them,  or  respite  to  take  any  food,  save  Avhat 
they  could  chew  in  their  march."  They  reached  the 
swamp  in  which  the  Indians  had  built  their  winter 
home  and  fort,  about  one  o'clock  p.  m.  The  severe 
cold  of  the  previous  night  had  frozen  the  swamp, 
which  greatly  facilitated  its  passage  by  the  English. 
But  for  this,  the  Indian  retreat  would  have  been  al- 
most inaccessible.  Aided  by  an  Indian  guide,  they 
soon  reached  the  fort,  and  commenced  the  attack. 
Hubbard  says  : — "There  was  but  one  entrance  into 
the  fort,  though  the  enemy  found  many  ways  to  come 
out.  It  was  raised  upon  a  kind  of  island  of  five  or 
six  acres  of  rising  ground  in  the  midst  of  the  swamp  ; 
the  sides  of  it  were  made  of  palisadoes  set  upright, 
the  which  was  compassed  about  Avith  an  hedge  of 
almost  a  rod  thickness,  through  which  there  was  no 
passing.  The  place  Avhere  the  Indians  used  ordina- 
rily to  enter  themselves,  was  over  a  long   tree   upon 


a  place  of  water,  where  l)ut  one  man  could  enter  at 
a  time,  and  whicli  was  so  w^aylaid,  that  they  would 
have  been  cut  off  that  had  ventured  there.  But  at 
one  corner  there  was  a  gap  made  up  only  with  a 
long  tree,  about  four  or  five  foot  from  the  ground, 
over  which  men  might  easily  pass."  The  work 
around  the  fort  was  not  quite  finished,  for  it  had  evi- 
dently been  prepared  with  great  labor,  and  this  gap 
was  the  w^eak  point.  Here  an  entrance  to  the  fort 
was  finally  effected,  after  a  desperate  struggle,  the 
Indians  defending  it  with  deadly  aim  from  a  block- 
house which  completely  commanded  it.  The  first  to 
enter  the  fort  was  John  Ra3^mond,  of  Middleborough, 
a  soldier.  Many  of  the  English  officers  and  men 
were  killed  either  in  passing  over  the  tree  or  at  the 
entrance  of  the  fort.  Those  that  first  entered  were 
soon  forced  to  fall  back,  and  prostrate  themselves 
upon  the  ground  to  avoid  the  fury  of  the  enemy's 
shot,  until  it  "  was  pretty  well  spent."  Captain 
Johnson  was  shot  dead  upon  the  tree,  and  Captain 
Davenport  at  the  very  entrance,  the  latter  receiving 
three  fatal  wounds  at  the  same  instant,  so  deadly  was 
the  aim  of  the  Indians.  "  But  at  the  last,"  says 
Hubbard,  "two  companies  being  brought  up  besides 
the  four  that  first  marched  up,  they  animated  one 
another  to  fnake  another  assault,  one  of  the  command- 
ers crying  out,  ' tJieij  run,  they  run;'  which  did  so 
encourage  the  soldiers  that  they  presently  entered 
amain.     After  a  considerable  number  were   well   en- 


tered,  they  presently  beat  the  enemy  out  of  a  flanker 
on  the  left  hand,  which  did  a  little  shelter  our  men 
from  the  enemy's  shot  till  more  company  came  up, 
and^so  by  degrees  made  up  higher,  first  into  the  mid- 
dle, and  then  into  the  upper  end  of  the  fort,  till  at 
last  they  made  the  enemy  all  retire  from  their 
sconces,  and  fortified  places,  leaving  multitudes  of 
their  dead  bodies  upon  the  place."  A  portion  of  the 
Connecticut  forces  cut  a  passage  into  the  further  side 
of  the  fort,  and  the  Indians  finding  themselves  at- 
tacked both  in  front  and  rear,  finally  abandoned  the 
fort,  after  a  three  hours'  struggle,  and  concealed 
themselves  in  a  cedar  swamp  near  by.  The  English 
having  obtained  possession,  set  fire  to  the  wigwams, 
some  five  hundred  or  six  hundred  in  number,  and 
the  whole  fort  was  soon  wrapped  in  flames,  in  which, 
it  is  said  many  Indian  women  and  children  perished. 
General  Winslow  oflfered  Church  a  command  in 
the  expedition,  which  he  declined,  but  accepted  a 
position  on  his  staflT.  He  took  an  active  part  in  the 
fight,  and  was  badly  wounded.  He  was  opposed  to 
burning  the  fort,  and  urged  that  many  of  the  wounded 
might  be  saved,  if  it  was  held.  His  advice  was  vio- 
lently opposed  by  "a  certain  Doctor,  Avho,  looking 
upon  Mr.  Church,  and  seeing  the  blood  flow  apace 
from  his  wounds,  told  him  that  if  he  gave  such  advice, 
he  should  bleed  to  death  like  a  dog,  before  they 
would  endeavor  to  stanch  his  blood."* 

*  Church's  Philip's  War. 


Drake  adds  in  a  note  : — "The  General  (Winslow) 
had  already  adopted  Church's  advice,  and  was  about 
to  ride  into  the  fort  himself,  but  as  he  was  entering 
the  swamp,  one  of  his  captains  seized  his  horse,  pay- 
ing he  should  not  expose  himself,  and  if  he  did  not 
desist,  he  would  shoot  his  horse  under  him.  Thus  it 
seems  the  General  was  commander-in-chief  only  in 
name.  Doubtless  the  jealousy  of  this  Captain  and 
some  others,  had  been  excited,  owing  to  the  confi- 
dence the  General  had  placed  in  Mr.  Church's  judg- 

Was  the  captain  referred  to  above,  the  son  of  ex- 
Gov.  William  Bradford,  of  Plymouth  Colony?  He 
was  in  the  expedition,  and  commanded  one  of  the 
Plymouth  companies.  A  letter  of  his,  published  in 
the  Journal  of  this  city  a  few  weeks  since  (the  orig- 
inal of  which  is  in  the  hands  of  his  descendant.  Gov. 
Van  Zandt,  of  Newport),  and  made  public  for  the 
first  time,  contains  several  sentences  that  indicate 
jealousy  of  Church.  The  letter  is  dated  "Taunton, 
24  July,  1G76."  Captain  (or  Major)  Bradford  was 
then  in  command  of  the  English  forces,  and  there  was 
great  comphiint  that  these  forces  were  inactive,  while 
Church,  at  the  head  of  a  volunteer  company,  was 
constantly  engaging  the  enemy,  and  bringing  in  large 
numbers  of  prisoners.  Read  in  the  light  of  these 
occurrences,  the  whole  letter  is  very  intelligible.  I 
quote  two  sentences  : — "  We  are  going  forth  this 
day,  intending  Philip's  headquarters.     I  shall  not  put 


myself  out  of  breath  to  get  before  Ben  Church." 
Captain  Churcli's  wife  (Alice  Southworth)  was  re- 
lated to  Captain  BradforcVs  mother,  who  was  the 
widow  Alice  Southworth  when  Gov.  Bradford  sent 
for  her  to  Leyden,  to  come  over  to  this  country,  and 
married  her.  She  came  over  in  the  ^' Ann,"  in  1623. 
Mrs.  Southworth  had  two  sons  by  her  first  husband, 
and  Church's  wife  was  a  daughter  of  her  son  Con- 
stant. This  is  a  digression,  and  we  will  return  to  the 

Daylight  was  now  almost  gone,  but  as  the  army 
had  no  shelter,  or  provisions,  save  what  they  had 
carried  in  their  march,  they  were  necessitated  to  re- 
turn to  their  quarters  at  Major  Smith's  garrison, 
"full  fifteen  or  sixteen  miles  oflf,  some  say  more, 
whither  with  their  dead  and  wounded  men,  they 
were  to  march;  a  difficulty  scarce  to  be  believed,  as 
not  to  be  paralleled  almost  in  any  former  age,"  says 

Church  says  : — "  The  wigwams  were  musket  proof, 
being  all  lined  with  baskets  and  tubs  of  grain,  and 
other  provisions,  suflicient  to  supply  the  whole  army 
until  the  spring  of  the  year."  Many  of  the  wounded 
died  from  exposure  in  the  terrible  return  march, 
"which  might  otherwise  have  been  preserved,"  says 
Hubbard,  "if  they  had  not  been  forced  to  march  so 
many  miles  in  a  cold  and  snowy  night,  before  they 
could  be  dressed."  When  we  recall  what  the  arni}^ 
had  passed  through   in  the  past  twenty-four  hours — 


their  exposure  the  previous  night  without  shelter, 
the  long  morning  miirch  through  deep  and  damp 
snow,  and  the  prolonged  and  deadly  struggle  at  the 
fort — we  may  well  believe  that  their  endurance  had 
scarcely  a  parallel  "  in  any  former  age." 

The  Eusflish  sustained  a  loss  of  more  than  two 
hundred  in  killed  and  wounded.  The  loss  of  officers 
was  very  heavy.  Six  commanders  of  companies 
were  slain  in  the  assault,  viz.  : — Captains  Davenport, 
Gardner  and  eJohnson,  of  the  Massachusetts  forces, 
and  Captains  Gallop,  Siely  and  Marshall,  of  Con- 
necticut. The  fall  of  Captain  Gardner  is  thus  touch- 
ingly  related  by  Church  : — "  Seeing  Captain  Gardner, 
of  Salem,  amidst  the  wigwams  in  the  east  end  of  the 
fort,  I  made  towards  him;  but  on  a  sudden,  while 
we  were  looking  each  other  in  the  face.  Captain 
Gardner  settled  down  ;  I  stepped  to  him,  and  seeing 
the  blood  run  down  his  cheek,  lifted  up  his  cap, 
called  him  by  his  name.  He  looked  up  in  my  face, 
but  spake  not  a  word,  being  mortally  shot  through 
the  head." 

The  loss  of  the  Indians,  including  women  and 
children  who  perished  in  the  flames,  was  supposed  to 
be  quite  three  times  that  of  the  English.  After  the 
army  returned  to  VVickford,  nearly  one  hundred  and 
fifty  of  the  wounded,  after  their  wounds  were  dressed, 
were  sent  over  to  Khode  Island,  where  they  Avere 
kindly  received  by  the  Governor  and  others,  and 
cared  for.     "Only  some  churlish  Quakers  were  not 


free    to    entertain    them,    nntil     compelled     by    the 

It  is  not  positively  known  that  Philip  was  in  the 
fort,  though  there  is  a  tradition  that  he  was  there, 
and  left  after  the  fort  was  fired.  It  is  supposed  that 
the  Wampanoags  very  generally  returned  from  the 
western  frontier  along  the  Connecticut,  and  took  up 
their  winter  quarters  with  the  Narragansetts ;  but 
whether  Philip  did,  is  uncertain.  Some  suppose 
that  he  visited  the  Mohawks  and  Canada  Indians  for 
assistance.  We  next  hear  of  him  on  the  10th  of 
February,  when  he  surprised  Lancaster,  killing  lifty 
people,  and  carrying  away  a  number  of  captives. 
Among  the  latter  was  Mrs.  Rowlandson,  the  wife  of 
the  minister  of  Lancaster.  Accordins^  to  Lidian 
custom,  she  was  a  slave  to  her  captor,  who  sold  her 
to  the  husband  of  VVeetamoe,  Queen  of  the  Pocassets, 
and  she  became  the  servant  of  that  "severe  and 
proud  dame."  When  first  captured,  she  suffered 
much  from  hunger  and  ill-usage,  but  after  Philip 
joined  the  party  into  whose  hands  she  had  fallen,  she 
was  more  humanely  treated.  He  called  upon  her, 
and  expressed  regret  at  her  capture,  and  bargained 
with  her  to  make  some  articles  of  clothinof  for  his 
little  boy.  When  the  work  was  completed,  he  paid 
her  for  it;  and  this  example  of  Philip  was  followed 
by  others,  until  Mrs.  Rowlandson  soon  had  means  to 
purchase  food,  and  make  her  condition  more   tolera- 

*  Old  Indian  Chron,,  pp.  74,  75. 


ble.  As  soon  as  negotiations  were  opened  for  her 
release,  Philip  informed  her  of  the  fact,  and  ex- 
pressed the  hope  that  thej  might  be  successful.  The 
next  mornin<r  after  the  ransom  for  her  release  had 
been  accepted,  Philip  met  her  with  a  smile,  and  said  : 
''I  have  some  pleasant  words  for  you  this  morning — 
would  you  like  to  hear  them?  You  are  to  go  home 
to-morrow."  The  rock  where  the  negotiations  were 
said  to  be  held,  is  in  the  town  of  Princeton,  Mass., 
near  Wachuset  Mountain.  It  is  called  "Redemption 

On  the  21st  of  February,   about  half  of  Medfield 
was   burned,  and  twenty    of  its   inhabitants   killed. 

*Mrs.  Eowlandson,  in  her  narrative,  state?  that  the  twenty  pounds,  the  price 
of  her  redemption,  were  raised  by  some  Boston  gentlewomen,  and  Mr.  Usher — 
probably  Hezekiah.  John  Usher  was  a  bookseller  in  Boston  at  that  time. 
Eev.  Thomas  Shepard,  of  Charlestown,  received  Mr.  liowlandson  and  his  wife, 
after  her  return  from  captivity,  into  their  house,  where  they  remained  eleven 
weeks.    And  Mrs.  K.  adds  : — "  A  father  and  mother  they  were  unto  us." 

John  ami  Hezekidh  Usher  and  Thomas  Shepard  are  household  names  in  Bris- 
tol. The  former  (they  may  have  been  father  and  son)  were  probably  the  an- 
cestors of  Rev.  John  Usher,  who  came  to  Bristol  in  1722,  and  for  more  than 
fifty  years  was  pastor  of  St.  Michael's  Episcopal  Church.  Numerous  descend- 
ants are  living  in  JJristol  at  the  present  time.  Tlie  latter  was  the  ancestor  of 
tlie  late  Rev.  Dr.  'I'homas  Shepard,  of  blessed  memory,  who  for  more  than 
forty  years  was  pastor  of  the  Congregational  Church  in  Bristol. 

A  daugliter  of  Mrs.  Rowlandson,  who  was  captured  by  the  Indians  with  the 
mother,  soon  after  Mrs.  R.'s  release,  escaped  and  came  into  Providence  with 
an  Indian  scjuaw.  This  glad  news  reached  the  parents  at  Charlestown.  Mrs. 
Rowlandson  says ;— "  We  heard  that  the  Governor  of  Rhode  Island  had  sent 
over  for  our  daughter,  to  take  care  of  her,  being  now  within  his  jurisdiction; 
which  should  not  pass  without  our  acknowledgments.  But  she  being  nearer 
Rehoboth  than  Rhode  UVawI— [the  Island],  Mv.  Newman  [Rev.  Noah  New- 
man] went  over  [to  Providence]  and  took  care  of  her,  and  brought  her  to  his 
own  house." 

Walter  ('larke  was  Governor  of  Rhode  Island.  He  was  elected  and  engaged 
on  the  :kl  day  of  May,  1C70.  It  was  some  ten  days  after  his  inauguration  that 
the  daughter  of  Mrs.  Rowlandson  i-eached  Providence. 


February  25th,  eight  buildings  were  burned  at  Wey- 
mouth.      On    March    12th,    a    company    of  Indians 
under   Tatoson,    suprised    Clark's    -arrison   at    Eel 
l^iver,  in  Plymouth,  and  killed  12  persons.      On  the 
14th  of  March,   the   forces   of  the    United    Colonies 
Jibandoned  Smith's  garrison  house  at   Wickford,   the 
Connecticut   forces   hiring  a   boat    to   take   them  to 
Pawcatuck,  fearing  to  march  through  the   Narrao-an- 
sett  country  ;  and  those   of  Massachusetts  and   Ply- 
mouth went   to    Seacunicke.     This    post    had    been 
held  all  through  the  winter  after  the   swamp   fight, 
and  much  surprise  was  expressed  at  its  abandonment.' 
The    "Old    Indian    Chronicle"    says    of    it:—" The 
Council  at  Boston,  (to   the  great  surprise   of  many 
people,)  refusing  to  maintain  the  Narragansett  Gar- 
rison raised  by  the  United  Colonies,  lodged  as  afore- 
said   m    Mr.    Smith's    house,   they    having    eat  and 
destroyed  what  they  could,  quitted  the  said  house." 
The  next  day  after  their  departure  the  Indians  burned 
the   garrison    house,    ("one  of  the    most    delio-htful 
seats  m  New   England,")    says    the    Chronicle"  and 
another  house  of  Captain  Smith,   together  with    all 
the  houses  at  Narragansett.    March  1 6th,  they  burned 
Warwick,  leaving  only  one  building  standing,  which 
being  of  stone  would  not  burn.     These  Indians  were 
undoubtedly   Narragansetts,    recently    "come    down 
from  the  country  upon  the  Connecticut  river,"  where 
they  had    wintered    after    the    Narragansett    Swamp 
J^ight.       They  had   suffered  much    from   huno-er   in 


consequence  of  the  destruction  of  their  winter  sup- 
plies in  the  fort,  and  were  thirsting  for  plunder  and 

The  ravages  of  the  Indians,  who  dispersed  them- 
selves in  small  parties  on  the  opening  of  spring, 
caused  (iveixt  alarm  both  in  Rhode  Island  and  Massa- 
chusetts.  Captain  Michael  Pierce,  of  Scituate,  with 
a  force  of  (j3  Englishmen,  and  20  friendly  Indians 
from  Cape  Cod,  was  sent  out  to  pursue  the  Indians 
towards  Rhode  Island.  He  arrived  at  Seekonk 
(Rehol)oth)  on  Saturdays  March  25th,  and  had  a 
skirmish  with  the  Indians  ;  but  suffered  no  loss.  Fie 
deemed  it  prudent  to  retire  to  the  garrison  at  See- 
konk, for  the  night.  The  next  morning,  Sunday, 
March  2Gth,  ''the  first  of  the  year  after  our  Indian 
account,"  says  Hubbard,  "Captain  Pierce  being 
joined  by  several  of  Seekonk  as  guides,  again  went 
in  pursuit  of  the  enemy,  and  encountered  them  near 
the  river.  The  Indians  were  in  large  force,  and  a 
terrible  battle  ensued,  one  of  the  bloodiest  of  the 
war.  A  very  full  and  apparently  accurate  account  of 
this  battle,  I  find  in  the  "Old  Indian  Chronicle,"  and 
copy  entire.  This  "Chronicle,"  I  may  here  say  in 
passing,  is  a  series  of  letters  written  by  a  merchant  in 
Boston,  during  the  war,  to  his  "friend  in  London," 
and  describing  events  as  they  came  to  his  knowledge. 
They  were  printed  in  London  in  pamphlet  form  as 
received.     The  account  of  the  battle  is  as  follows  : — 

"Sunday,  the  26th  of  March,  was  sadly  remarka- 


ble  to  US  for  the  tidings  of  a  very  deplorable  disaster 
brought  into  Boston  about  five  o'clock  that  afternoon, 
by  a  post  from  Dedhani,  viz.  :     That  Captain  Pierce, 
of  Scituate,  in  Plymouth  Colony,  having  intelligence 
in  his  garrison  at  Seaconicke,  that  a  party  of  the  en- 
emy lay  near   Mr.  Blackstone's,  went  forth'  with   63 
English,  and   20  of  the  Cape  Indians,    (who  had  all 
along  continued  faithful,  and  joined  with  them,)  and 
upon  their  march,  discovered  raml)ling  in  an  obscure 
woody  place,  four  or  five   Indians,    who,   in  getting 
away  from  us,   halted   as  if  they  had   been   lame  or 
wounded.      But  our  men  had  pursued  them  but  a  lit- 
tle way  into  the  woods,  before  they  found  them  to  be 
only  decoys  to  draw  them  into  their  ambuscade  ;  for 
on  a  sudden  they  discovered  500  Indians,  who  iu 
very   oood  order  furiously  attacked  them,   beinsr  as 
readily  received  by  ours.      So  that  the  light  began  to 
be  very  tierce  and  dubious,  and  our  men  had  made 
the  enemy  begin  to  retreat,   but  so  slowly  that  it 
scarce  deserved  that  name  ;   when  a  fresh  company 
of  about  400  Indians  came  in,  so  that  the  English 
and  their  few  Indian  friends  were  quite  surrounded, 
and   beset   on  every  side ;    yet    they   made  a   brave 
resistance   for   about  two   hours ;    during  all    which 
time    they    did    great    execution    upon    the    enemy, 
whom    they    kept    at    a    distance,    and    themselves 
in   ordei'.      For  Captain   Pierce  cast  his   ()3  English 
and  20    Indians    into   a    ring,    and    fought    back    to 
back,    and    were    double- double    distance,    all    in 


one  rin«',  whilst  the  Indians  were  as  thick  as  they 
could  stand,  thirty  deep.  Overpowered  with  whose 
numbers,  the  said  Captain  and  55  of  his  English, 
and  10  of  their  Indian  friends  were  slain  upon  the 
place;  which  in  such  a  cause,  and  upon  such  disad- 
vantao"es,  may  certainly  be  styled  The  Bed  of  Hon- 
our. However,  they  sold  their  worthy  lives  at  a 
o-allant  rate  ;  it  being  affirmed  by  those  few  that  (not 
without  wonderful  difficulty  and  many  wounds)  made 
their  escape,  that  the  Indians  lost  as  many  fighting 
men  (not  counting  women  and  children)  in  this  en- 
o-Ro-ement,  as  were  killed  at  the  battle  in  the  swamp 
near  Narragansett,  mentioned  in  our  last  letter, 
which  were  generally  computed  to  be  about  three 

Other  authorities,  and  probably  more  accurately, 
state  that  52  English  and  11  friendly  Indians  were 
slain  ;  while  the  loss  of  the  enemy  is  put  at  140. 

Bliss  says: — "There  is  a  tradition  in  Seekonk, 
that  Captain  Pierce  sent  a  written  message  to  Provi- 
dence, before  setting  out  on  his  march  from  the  gar- 
rison, by  a  man  who  attended  meeting  in  that  town  ; 
and  that  the  messenger  not  arriving  till  after  the 
commencement  of  public  worship,  delayed,  either 
through  ignorance  of  the  importance  of  the  message, 
or  some  other  unaccountable  cause,  to  deliver  the 
letter  till  the  close  of  the  morning  service.  The 
captain  (Captain  Andrew  Edmunds)  to  whom  the 
letter  was  directed,  is  said,  on  the  receipt  of  it,  to 


have  chided  the  messenger  severely,  Mud  to  have  de- 
clared it  too  late  to  render  any  assistance,  as  the  fate 
of  Captain  Pierce  and  his  men  must  have  been  de- 
cided before  that  time." 

"Captain  Pierce  is  said  to  have  fallen  earlier  than 
many  others ;  and  it  is  due  to  the  honor  of  one  of 
his  friendly  Indians,  called  Amos,  that  he  continued 
to  stand  by  his  commander  and  tight,  until  affairs 
had  become  utterly  desperate  ;  and  that  then  he  es- 
caped by  blackening  his  face  with  powder,  as  he  saw 
tlie  enemy  had  done,  and  so  passed  through  their 
army  unobserved.  Another  friendly  Indian,  being 
closely  pursued  by  a  hostile  Indian,  sought  shelter 
behind  a  rock.  Thus  the  two  were  watchinof,  in 
awful  suspense,  to  shoot  each  other.  But  Captain 
Pierce's  Indian,  putting  his  cap  on  the  end  of  his 
gun,  raised  it  to  the  view  of  his  enem}',  who  imme- 
diately tired  at  the  cap  and  the  next  moment  was 
shot  dead  by  the  friendly  Indian.  Another,  in  his 
flight,  pretended  to  pursue  an  Englishman  w^ith  an 
uplifted  tomahawk,  holding  it  in  threatening  attitude 
above  his  head,  and  thus  both  escaped.  Still  another, 
being  closely  pursued,  took  shelter  behind  the  roots 
of  a  large  tree  that  had  lately  been  turned  out  of  the 
ground;  and  the  hostile  Indian,  coming  up  upon  the 
opposite  side,  was  lying  in  wait  to  shoot  him  on  his 
deserting  his  station  ;  when  the  friendly  Indian,  bor- 
ing a  hole  through  his  broad  shield,  unobserved  by 
the  other,  shot  him  dead. 


Bliss  describes  the  place  of  the  fight  as  follows  : — 
"The  place  where  the  battle  was  fought  is  still 
pointed  out.  It  is  between  the  villages  of  Pawtucket 
and  Valley  Falls,  nearer  the  latter,  at  a  spot,  which, 
I  have  been  told,  was  formerly  called  '  The  many 
Holes.'  It  commenced  on  the  east  side  of  the  river, 
but  the  severest  part  of  the  action  was  on  the  west, 
immediately  on  the  bank  of  the  stream.  Some  have 
placed  the  site  of  this  battle  considerably  farther  up 
the  river,  between  the  bridge  called  '  Whipple's 
Bridge,'  and  '  Study  Hill,'  the  former  residence  of 
Blackstone.  But  from  this  battle  having  been  some- 
times styled  by  the  older  inhabitants,  'The  Battle  of 
the  Plain,''  from  its  having  been  fought  on  the  border 
of  the  great  '  Seekonk  Plaine,'  the  former  spot,  tra- 
dition being  equally  strong  in  its  favor,  seems  to 
possess  the  highest  claim  to  being  the  battle  ground." 
It  is  probable  that  Canonchet  commanded  the  Indians 
in  this  fight,  though  historians  do  not  seem  to  be 
clear  in  regard  to  it. 

On  March  28th,  two  days  after  Pierce's  Fight, 
forty  houses  and  thirty  barns  were  burnt  in  Reho- 
both,  by  a  party  of  the  same  Indians.  "These 
houses  were  around  the  'Ring  of  the  Common,'  now 
called  '  Seekonk  Common.'  Only  two  houses  were 
left  standing — the  garrison  house  and  another  on  the 
south  end  of  the  Common,  which  was  preserved  by 
black  sticks  having  been  arranged  around  it,  so  as  to 
give  it,  at  a  distance,  the  appearance  of  being 
strongly  guarded." 


On  Wednesday,  the  29th  of  March,  a  party  of  the 
same  Indians  burnt  thirty  houses  in  Providence. 
Arnold  says,  fiftj^-four  ;  which  hitter  number  probably 
included  all  buildings  burned.  Judge  Staples,  in 
his  ''Annals  of  Providence,"  says  : — "  It  has  always 
been  supposed  that  these  were  generally  situated 
near  the  north  part  of  the  town.  The  location  of 
only  one  of  them  is  known,  and  that  was  the  house 
of  John  Smith,  the  miller,  which  was  on  the  west 
side  of  the  Moshassuck  river,  near  to  where  the  first 
stone  lock  of  the  Blackstone  Canal  is  now  located. 
Mr.  Smith  was,  at  that  time,  town  clerk,  and  the 
records  of  the  town  were  then  in  his  possession. 
They  were  thrown  from  his  burning  house  into  the 
mill-pond,  to  preserve  them  from  the  flames ;  and  to 
the  present  day  they  bear  plenary  evidence  of  the 
two-fold  dangers  the}'  escaped,  and  the  two-fold  in- 
jury they  suffered." 

Arnold  says  : — "It  was  the  north  part  of  the  town 
that  was  <?onsumed.  Within  the  memory  of  ancient 
persons  but  recently  deceased,  the  cellar  walls  of 
some  of  these  houses  were  still  standing,  on  the  east 
side  of  the  road  just  south  of  Harrington's  lane,  or 
North  street,  the  northern  limit  of  the  city." 

He  then  adds  in  a  note  : — "The  venerable  John 
Howland,  late  President  of  the  Rhode  Island  Histor- 
ical Society,  who  died  November  5th,  1854,  aged 
ninety-seven  years,  has  often  pointed  out  this  spot  to 
the  writer,  and  told  him  that  when  he  was  a  boy  the 


foundation  walls  of  several  of  these  buildings  were 

There  is  a  tradition  that  the  "Old  Whipple  House," 
or  a  portion  of  it,  at  the  north  end  of  the  city,  on 
"Abbot's  Lane,"  was  standing  at  the  time  of  this 
raid  of  the  Indians,  and  escaped  the  flames." 

Arnold  says  : — "  That  Providence  was  nearly  de- 
serted, leaving  it  an  easy  prey  to  the  enemy.  Less 
than  thirty  men  remained,  as  appears  by  a  list  pre- 
served on  the  records,  of  those  'that  stayed  and 
went  not  away.'  Two  places  in  the  town  had  been 
fortified,  mainly  through  the  efforts  of  Roger  Wil- 
liams, who  although  seventy-seven  years  of  age,  ac- 
cepted the  commission  of  Captain."  I  have  been 
told  that  one  of  these  fortified  houses  stood  where 
the  old  Providence  Bank  building  now  stands  on 
South  Main  street. 

"A  tradition  is  preserved,"  I  quote  from  Arnold, 
"that  when  the  enemy  approached  the  town,  the  ven- 
erable captain,  (Roger  Williams,)  went  out  alone  to 
meet  and  remonstrate  with  them.  '  Massachusetts,' 
said  he,  'can  raise  thousands  of  men  at  this  moment, 
and  if  you  kill  them,  the  King  of  England  will  sup- 
ply their  places  as  fast  as  they  fall.'  '  Well,  let  them 
come,'  was  the  reply,  '  we  are  ready  for  them.  But 
as  for  you,  brother  Williams,  you  are  a  good  man ; 
you  have  been  kind  to  us  many  years  ;  not  a  hair  of 
your  head  shall  be  touched.'"  The  quotations  are 
from  Knowles'  History. 


In  Backus'  History  of  jSTew  England,  i,  424,  the 
incident  is  told  as  follows  : — "  When  the  Indians  ap- 
peared on  the  high  lands  north  of  their  great  Cove, 
Mr.  Williams  took  his  staff  and  walked  over  towards 
them,  hoping  likely  to  pacify  them,  as  he  had  often 
done  ;  but  when  some  of  their  aged  men  saw  him, 
they  came  out  and  met  him,  and  told  him  that  though 
those  who  had  long  known  him  would  not  hurt  him, 
3^et  their  young  men  were  so  enraged  that  it  was  not 
safe  for  him  to  venture  among  them  ;  upon  which  he 
returned  to  the  garrison." 

The  ''Old  Indian  Chronicle"  has  the  following 
version  of  the  matter  ; — 

"Mr.  Williams,  at  Providence,  knowing  several  of 
the  chief  Indians  "that  came  to  fire  that  town,  dis- 
coursed with  them  a  considerable  time,  who  pre- 
tended their  greatest  quarrel  was  against  Plymouth  ; 
and  as  for  what  they  attempted  against  the  other 
colonies,  they  were  constrained  to  it,  by  the  spoil 
that  was  done  them  at  Narragansett ;  they  told  him 
that  when  Captain  Pierce  engaged  them  near  Mr. 
Blackstone's  they  were  bound  for  Plymouth.  They 
gloried  much  in  their  success,  promising  themselves 
the  conquest  of  the  whole  country,  and  rooting  out 
of  all  the  English.  Mr.  Williams  reproved  their 
confidence  ;  minded  them  of  their  cruelties,  and  told 
them  that  the  Bay,  viz.,  Boston,  could  yet  spare  ten 
thousand  men;  and  if  they  should  destroy  all  them, 
yet  it  was  not  to  be  doubted,  that  our  King  w^ould 
send  as  many  every  year  from   Old  England,  rather 


than  they  should  share  the  country.  They  answered 
proudly,  that  they  should  be  ready  for  them,  or  to 
that  effect ;  but  told  Mr.  Williams  that  he  was  a 
good  man,  and  had  been  kind  to  them  formerly,  and 
therefore  they  would  not  hurt  him." 

This  was  undoubtedly  the  gloomiest  period  of  the 
war.  Philip,  and  his  allies,  the  Narragansetts,  were 
roaming  almost  at  will  through  the  colonies  of  Rhode 
Island  and  Massachusetts,  and  committing  depreda- 
tions on  every  hand.  The  boldness  of  their  attacks 
caused  the  greatest  alarm,  and  impelled  the  United 
Colonies  to  place  another  large  force  in  the  field. 
Captain  Church,  who- had  been  with  his  family  for 
some  time  on  Rhode  Ishmd,  repaired  to  Plymouth  on 
the  first  Tuesday  in  June.  Gov.  Winslow  commis- 
sioned him  to  raise  a  company  of  volunteers  of  about 
two  hundred  men,  English  and  Indians — the  former 
not  to  exceed  sixty  in  number.  Church  had  no  difii- 
culty  in  obtaining  recruits,  and  was  soon  in  the  field, 
hunting  the  Indians.  He  was  very  successful,  and 
brought  in  many  prisoners.  He  acknowledged  a  two- 
fold advantage  he  derived  from  the  "  great  English 
army  that  was  now  abroad."  "One  was,  that  they 
drove  the  enemy  down  to  that  part  of  the  country,  viz., 
to  the  eastward  of  Taunton  river,  by  which  his  busi- 
ness was  nearer  home.  The  other  was,  that  when 
he  fell  on  with  a  push  upon  a  body  of  the  enemy 
(were  they  never  so  many),  they  fled,  expecting  the 
great  army."* 

*  Church's  Philip's  War. 


While  Church  was  at  Plymouth,  on  Sunday,  July 
Both,  news  came  "  that  a  great  army  of  Indians  were 
discovered,  who  it  was  supposed  were  designing  to 
get  over  the  river  towards  Taunton  or  Bridgewater, 
to  attack  those  towns  that  lay  on  that  side  of  the 
river."  Church  got  together  a  company  of  about  30 
Englishmen  and  20  friendly  Indians  and  marched  at 
once,  reaching  Bridgewater  Sunday  evening.  Philip 
and  his  company,  near  night,  had  attempted  to  cross 
Taunton  river,  on  a  large  tree  which  they  had  felled 
across  the  stream ;  but  being  ambushed  by  some 
"  brisk  Bridgewater  lads,"  they  were  driven  back, 
and  Philip's  old  uncle,  Akkompoin,  was  killed. 

Very  early  the  next  morning.  Church  moved  with 
his  company,  which  had  been  increased  by  many  of 
Bridgewater,  in  quest  of  Philip.  Coming  "very 
still  to  the  top  of  the  great  tree  which  the  enemy  had 
fallen  across  the  river,"  Church  discovered  an  Indian 
sitting  on  the  stump  of  it  on  the  other  side  of  the 
river,  and  raised  his  gun  to  fire  upon  him.  At  that 
instant,  one  of  his  own  Indians  called  hastily  to  him 
not  to  fire,  for  he  believed  it  was  one  of  their  own 
men.  Thereupon  the  Indian  upon  the  stump  looked 
about,  and  Church's  Indian,  seeing  his  face,  discov- 
ered that  it  was  Philip,  and  fired  upon  him;  but  it 
was  too  late,  for  Philip  immediately  threw  himself 
ofl:'  the  stump,  leaped  down  a  bank  on  the  other  side 
of  the  river,  and  made  his  escape.  It  was  said  that 
he  had  not  long    before,    cut.  ofl*  his    hair,    that   he 



might  not  be  known.  Captain  Church  and  his  men 
got  across  the  river  as  soon  as  possible,  and  scattered 
in  quest  of  Philip  and  his  company,  *' but  the  enemy 
scattered  and  fled  in  every  direction."  Among  the 
prisoners  taken,  were  Philip's  wife  and  son, — the 
latter  about  nine  years  old.  Philip  and  his  warriors 
escaped  across  the  river,  where  Church  and  his  men 
followed  them,  and  early  on  the  morning  of  the  third 
of  August,  surprised  Philip  and  his  camp  in  Mettapoi- 
set  Neck,  as  they  were  getting  their  breakfast.  The 
Indians  fled  into  the  swamp,  pursued  by  the  English, 
and  a  smart  skirmish  ensued.  When  it  was  over, 
they  gathered  their  prisoners  together,  and  found 
they  had  killed  and  taken  one  hundred  and  seventy- 
three,  (including  those  taken  over  night,)  while  only 
one  Englishman  was  killed.  Being  out  of  provisions, 
Captain  Church  and  his  company,  (now  very  numer- 
ous, with  his  prisoners),  returned  to  Bridgewater. 
The  next  day  Church  took  his  prisoners  to  Plymouth. 
Some  of  the  Indians  said  to  Captain  Church  : — "  Sir, 
you  have  now  made  Philip  ready  to  die  ;  for  you 
have  made  him  as  poor  and  miserable  as  he  used  to 
make  the  English ;  for  you  have  now  killed  or  taken 
all  his  relations."  That  they  believed  he  would  soon 
have  his  head,  and  that  "this  bout  had  almost  broken 
his  heart." 

It  was  not  so  much  the  loss  of  friends  who  had 
been  killed  or  taken  prisoners, — nor  indeed  the  great 
sorrow  of  having  his  wife  and  son  made  prisoners  by 


the  English — that  rent  Philip's  heart  with  anguish. 
But  the  fact  that  so  many  of  liis  own  tribe  should 
prove  traitors  to  him,  and  join  his  enemies  in  hunt- 
ing him  down.  Hubbard  says:  —  "It  is  said  that 
this  act  of  these  Indians  (joining  with  Church)  broke 
Phih'p's  heart,  as  soon  as  ever  he  understood  it,  so  as 
he  never  joyed  after." 

On  the  6th  of  August,  Weetamoe,  wlio,  up  to  this 
time,  had  followed  the  fortunes  of  Philip,  in  attempt- 
ing to  escape  over  to  Pocasset,  on  a  raft,  from  her 
pursuers,  w^as  drowned,  and  her  body  washed  ashore 
at  Mettapoiset,  Her  head  being  cut  off  and  set  upon 
a  pole  in  Taunton,  was  recognized  by  some  of  her 
own  tribe,  who  were  prisoners,  which,  says  Hub- 
bard, "set  them  into  a  horrid  lamentation."  And 
this  was  the  first  knowledo^e  the  Eno^lish  had  that  the 
head  was  that  of  the  "  Queen  of  the  Pocassets."  It 
is  difficult  to  imagine  such  a  state  of  feeling  among 
civilized  people,  that  the  head  of  an  unknown  Indian 
woman,  stuck  up  on  a  pole,  should  be  a  gratifying 

"Philip,"  continues  Hubbard,  "like  a  salvage  and 
wild  beast,  having  been  hunted  by  the  English  forces 
through  the  woods,  above  an  hundred  miles,  back- 
ward and  forward,  at  last  was  driven  to  his  own  den, 
upon  Mount  Hope."  Here  Church  surprised  him  on 
Saturday  morning,  August  12th.  Philip  and  his 
followers  were  encamped  "  upon  a  little  spot  of  up- 
land that  was  in  the  south  end  of  the  miery  swamp, 


just  at  the  foot  of  the  Mount."  This  spot  of  land  I 
think  I  have  been  al)le  to  identify,  without  question. 
It  is  on  the  farm  of  Hon.  Samuel  W.  Church,  and  is 
known  by  those  familiar  with  the  farm,  as  "Little 
Guinea."  At  the  north  end,  the  upland  opens  down 
into  the  swamp.  Church  arrived  at  the  swamp  at  a 
very  early  hour  in  the  morning,  and  nearly  sur- 
rounded the  southern  portion  of  it,  placing  his  men 
in  ambush — an  Englishman  and  an  Indian  together, 
behind  such  shelter  of  trees,  etc.,  as  he  could  find. 
Captain  Golding,  of  Rhode  Island,  with  a  small  com- 
pany, had  been  detached  to  beat  up  Philip's  head- 
quarters from  the  south.  At  the  first  gun,  Philip, 
who  was  but  partially  dressed,  having  on  only  "his 
small  breeches  and  stockings,"  threw  his  petunk  and 
powder-horn  over  his  head,  and  seizing  his  gun,  ran 
down  into  the  swamp  and  directly  upon  two  of  Cap- 
tain Church's  ambush.  "They  let  him  come  fair 
within  shot,  and  the  Englishman's  gun  missing  fire, 
he  bid  the  Indian  fire  away,  and  he  did  so  to  the  pur- 
pose ;  sent  one  musket  bullet  through  his  heart,  and 
another  not  above  two  inches  from  it.  He  fell  upon 
his  fiice  in  the  mud  and  water,  with  his  gun  under 

The  Indians  soon  discovered  that  they  were  way- 
laid on  the  east  side  of  the  swamp,  and  tacked  short 
about  to  the  Avest,  and  finding  that  part  of  the  swamp 
which  was  not  ambushed,  many  of  them  made  their 
escape  in  the  English  tracks.     Old  Annawon,  Philip's 


great  captain,  rallied  his  forces  with  the  Indian  war- 
cry  of  lootash!  lootashl !  hoping  thus  to  cover  the 
escape  of  his  Great  Chief.  But  all  in  vain — the  fatal 
bullet  had  already  sped  to  its  mark  ! 

Church  was  promptly  informed  by  the  Indian  who 
shot  Philip,  of  "his  exploit,"  when  Church  com- 
manded him  to  be  silent  about  it,  until  they  had 
driven  the  swamp  clean.  In  accordance  with  orders, 
"the  whole  company  met  tegether  at  the  place  where 
the  enemy's  night  shelter  was,  and  then  Captain 
Church  gave  them  the  news  of  Philip's  death.  Upon 
which,  the  whole  army  gave  three  loud  huzzas." 

Orders  were  given  to  have  Philip's  body  "pulled 
out  of  the  mire  to  the  upland.  So,  some  of  Captain 
Church's  Indians  took  hold  of  him  by  his  stockings, 
and  some  by  his  small  breeches  (being  otherwise 
naked),  and  drew  him  through  the  mud  to  the  up- 
land ;  and  a  doleful.,  great^  naked,  dirty  least  he 
looked  like  J'  This  language  of  Church,  in  describing 
the  appearance  of  Philip's  body  after  being  dragged 
by  the  heels  through  mud,  and  his  own  gore,  to 
the  upland,  has  been  construed  to  apply  to  Philip's 
person  and  character,  when  alive.  It  does  not  seem 
to  me  that  it  will  bear  such  construction.  However 
deeply  he  may  have  incurred  the  hate  of  the  English, 
there  was  certainly  nothing  in  his  career  to  indicate 
that  he  was  a  coward,  or  a  foe  to  be  despised. 

Captain  Church  then  said,  "  that   forasmuch  as  he 
had  caused  many   an  Englishman's   body  to   be  un- 


buried,  and  to  rot  above  ground,  not  one  of  his  bones 
should  be  buried  ;  and  calling  his  old  Indian  execu- 
tioner, bid  him  behead  and  quarter  him." 

Even  Church,  who  had  so  often,  though  almost 
always  in  vain,  urged  mercy  to  the  captive  Indians, 
must  yield  to  the  fell  spirit  of  revenge  against  Philip. 
His  body  must  not  receive  interment.  In  all  the 
broad  acres  of  Mount  Hope,  Avhere  he  and  his  ances- 
tors had  so  long  borne  sway,  no  little  spot  of  earth — 
so  narrow  aud  so  small — shall  be  allotted  for  his 
grave.  His  poor  body — even  after  the  imperial  spirit 
that  ofave  it  life  had  returned  to  God  wdio  crave  it — 
must  be  broken  and  dismembered.  And  the  miser- 
able Indian  appointed  to  the  work,  must  exult  in  his 
butchery  !  Philip's  head  was  cut  off,  and  his  body 
quartered.  His  head  was  sent  to  Plymouth  as  a 
trophy,  where  it  was  set  upon  a  pole,  and  remained 
many  years.  One  of  his  hands  was  sent  to  Boston, 
and  the  other,  which  was  marked  by  a  well-known 
scar,  caused  by  the  splitting  of  a  pistol  in  it  some 
years  before,  was  given  to  Alderman,  the  Indian  who 
shot  him,  and  who  "got  many  a  penny  by  exhibiting 
it."  The  four  quarters  of  his  body  were  suspended 
on  four  trees  at  Mount  Hope,  and  left  to  bleach  and 
decay,  mid  sunshine  and  storm.  Twenty-five  years 
after,  portions  of  these  ghastly  remains  were  said  to 
be  visible,  to  shock  the  passerby. 

Hu])bard  says  that  with  Philip  fell  five  of  his  truest 
followers,  of  whom  one  was  said  to  be  the  son  of  his 


chief  captain,  that  had  shot  the  first  gun  at  the  En- 
glish the  year  before.  With  Philip's  death,  the  war 
virtually  ended — this  dreadful  Indian  War,  which  had 
raged  with  such  fearful  violence  for  more  than  a  year, 
causing  wide-spread  and  universal  mourning  through- 
out New  England.  Its  consequences  are  summed  up 
as  follows  : — At  least  six  hundred  of  the  English  in- 
habitants, who  were  "the  flower  and  strength  of  the 
country,  either  fell  in  battle,  or  were  murdered  by 
the  enemy.  Twelve  or  thirteen  towns  in  Massachu- 
setts, Plymouth  and  Rhode  Island,  were  utterly  de- 
stroyed, and  others  greatly  damaged.  About  600 
buildings,  chiefly  dwelling-houses,  were  consumed 
with  lire ;  and  more  than  one  hundred  thousand 
pounds  sterling  were  expended  by  the  colonies,  be- 
sides an  immense  loss  in  the  destruction  of  their 
goods  and  cattle." 

Annawon  and  his  companions,  who  escaped  from 
Mount  Hope,  were  captured  a  few  weeks  after,  prob- 
ably in  September,  in  Squannaconk  Swamp,  Reho- 
both,  by  Captain  Church,  with  a  handful  of  men, 
mostly  Indians.  The  story  of  the  surprise  and  cap- 
ture is  exceedingly  interesting,  and  displayed  on  the 
part  of  Church  a  personal  prowess  equal  to  anything 
known  in  historv.  I  would  like  to  sfive  it,  but  this, 
and  many  other  incidents  of  interest,  I  have  been 
compelled  to  pass  over,  in  order  to  bring  this  paper 
within  reasonable  compass.  And  I  fear  it  may  rather 
be  noted  for  what  is  omitted  than   for  what  is  de- 


scribed,   of  the  thrilling  events   of  the   war.      \_See 
Appendix  (7.] 

One  other  matter  and  I  close. 

We  left  Philip's  wife  and  son,  prisoners  at  Ph^- 
mouth.  What  should  be  their  fate  ?  This  was  a  per- 
plexing question.  As  was  usual  in  all  important 
matters  of  doubt,  the  subject  was  referred  to  the 
clergy  for  solution.  After  serious  deliberation, 
while  the  minority  urged  their  summary  execution,  the 
majority  decided  (one  writer  says — more  humanely 
decided) — that  they  should  be  shipped  out  of  the 
country,  and  sold  into  slavery.  And  this  sentence 
was  carried  into  effect,  by  sending  them  to  one  of  the 
West  India  Islands.  Shall  we  contrast  this  cruel  sen- 
tence upon  the  gentle  Wootonekanuske  and  her  boy 
of  nine  summers,  with  the  kind,  almost  chivalric 
treatment  that  Mrs.  Rowlandson  received  from 
Philip,  when  she  was  a  captive  to  the  Indians?  Yet 
Philip  was  the  savage. 

A  writer  of  fiction,  many  years  ago,  published  a 
volume,  entitled  "Mount  Hope,"  in  which  Philip  and 
Wootonekanuske  are  prominent  characters.  After 
the  sentence  of  banishment  and  slavery  is  pronounced 
upon  the  latter  and  her  son,  the  writer  puts  them  on 
board  a  vessel  in  Boston  Bay,  bound  to  the  West  In- 
dies. As  the  vessel  proceeds  on  her  voyage,  on  a 
lovely  autumn  afternoon,  she  skirts  along  the  coast 
of  Rhode  Island.  Wootonekanuske  and  her  boy, 
always  inseparable,  stand  apart  on  the  deck,  and  gaze 


with  longing  eyes  upon  Mount  Hope,  their  loved 
home,  now  in  full  view.  And  the  author,  with 
poetic  license,  also  opens  to  their  vision,  the  rocks  at 
the  eastern  base  of  the  hill,  Philip's  favorite  resort, 
now  so  full  of  sad  memories  to  her  who  had  so  often 
roamed  with  him  over  its  summit,  and  reclined  at  his 
feet,  at  the  base.  As  the  shades  of  night  gather 
around  them,  Wootonekanuske  folds  her  boy  to  her 
breast,  and  whispers  that  Pometacom  beckons  them 
to  the  land  of  shadows — that  the  Great  Spirit  calls 
them  to  the  happy  hunting  grounds  beyond  the  set- 
ting sun — and  silently,  like  Bulwer's  blind  girl  Nydia, 
mother  and  son  pass  over  the  side  of  the  vessel,  and 
disappear  beneath  the  waves.  I  have  no  heart  to 
break  the  spell.     There  let  them  rest ! 


[A.— Page  8.] 




>^^  ^.\y 

The  first  or  left-hand  letter  or  character,  may  not  be  and  probably  is  not  entire . 
It  is  at  the  edge  of  the  rock,  which  appears  ragged,  as  though  one  or  more 
pieces  had  fallen  or  been  broken  from  it.  It  will  be  noticed,  that  between  the 
second  and  third  characters,  there  is  a  space.  There  may  have  been  and  prob- 
ably was  another  letter  in  here,  as  there  are  marks  on  the  rock,  indicative  of 
its  presence,  but  so  much  worn  by  the  action  of  the  elements  as  to  preclude  its 
being  traced. 

While  there  are  grave  doubts  in  the  minds  of  many  scholars 
as  to  whether  the  rock  inscriptions  found  upon  the  New  England 
coast  are  traces  of  the  Northmen's  visits  to  these  shores,  of  the 
fact  of  such  visits  there  can  be  no  question.  They  are  matters 
of  record. 

R.  B.  Anderson,  himself  a  Norwegian,  Professor  of  Northern 
Languages   in   the  University   of  Wisconsin,  in   a  little  work, 


published  at  Chicago  in  1874,  entitled,  "America  Not  Discovered 
by  Columbus:  A  Historical  Sketch  of  the  Discovery  of  America 
by  the  Norsemen  in  the  Tenth  Century,"  gives,  translated  from 
the  Icelandic  Sagas,  an  account  of  these  voyages  of  the  Norse- 
men to  the  American  coast.  "  The  manuscripts  which  have  the 
Sagas  relating  to  America,"  he  says,  "  are  found  in  the  celebrated 
Codex  Flatokensis,  a  skin-book  that  was  finished  in  the  year 
1387.  This  work,  written  with  great  care,  and  executed  in  the 
highest  style  of  art,  is  now  preserved  in  its  integrity  in  the 
archives  of  Copenhagen,  and  a  carefully  printed  copy  of  it  is  to 
be  found  in  Minies's  library,  at  the  University  of  Wisconsin." 

Alexander  Von  Humboldt,  discussing  the  pre-Columbian  dis- 
covery of  America  by  the  Norsemen,  in  Cosmos,  vol.  ii,  pages 
269-272,  says:— "We  are  here  on  historical  ground.  By  the 
critical  and  highly  praiseworthy  efforts  of  Professor  Rafu  and 
the  Royal  Society  of  Northern  Antiquaries  in  Copenhagen,  the 
Sagas  and  documents  in  regard  to  the  expeditions  of  the  Norse- 
men to  Helluliind  (Newfoundland),  to  Markland  (the  mouth  of 
the  St.  Lawrence  river  and  Nova  Scotia),  and  to  Vinland 
(Massachusetts),  have  been  published  and  satisfactorily  com- 
mented upon.  *  *  *  The  discovery  of  the  northern  part  of 
America  by  the  Norsemen  cannot  be  disputed.  The  length  of 
the  voyage,  the  direction  in  which  they  sailed,  the  time  of  the 
sun's  rising  and  setting,  are  accurately  given.  While  the  Chali- 
fat  of  Bagdad  was  still  flourishing  under  the  Abbasides,  and 
while  the  rule  of  the  Samanides,  so  favorable  to  poetry,  still 
flourished  in  Persia,  America  was  discovered,  about  the  year 
1000,  by  Lief,  son  of  Erik  the  Red,  at  about  4U  degrees  of  north 

So  much  from  Baron  Von  Humboldt,  who  is  recognized  as 
authority  the  world  over,  upon  all  subjects  of  which  he  treats. 
Malte  Brun,  and  many  other  distinguished  scholars  also  fully 
acknowledge  the  authenticity  and  authority  of  the  Icelandic 

By  these  Sagas,  it  appears  that  America  was  first  discovered 
by  Bjakne,  son  of  Hekjulf,  or  Bjarne  Herjulfsox,  as  he  is 
called,  in  the  year  986,  who,  on  a  voyage  to  Greenland  from 
Iceland,  was  driven  off  his  course  to  the  south  and  west,  and 


enveloped  in  a  fog  which  lasted  many  days,  "  and  they  knew  not 
where  they  were  sailing  to."  The  account  continues  : — "The 
sun  at  length  appeared  again,  so  that  they  could  determine  the 
quarters  of  the  sky,  and  lo !  in  the  horizon  they  saw,  like  a  blue 
cloud,  the  outlines  of  an  unknown  land.  They  approached  it. 
They  saw  that  it  was  without  mountains,  was  covered  with 
wood,  and  that  there  were  small  hills  inland.  Bjarne  saw  that 
this  did  not  answer  to  the  description  of  Greenland ;  he  knew 
he  was  too  far  south.  So  he  left  the  land  on  the  larboard  side 
and  sailed  northward  two  days,  when  they  got  sight  of  land 
again.  The  men  asked  Bjarne  if  this  was  Greenland;  but  he 
said  it  was  not.  'For  in  Greenland,' he  said,  '  there  are  great 
snowy  mountains;  but  this  land  is  flat  and  covered  with  trees.' 
They  did  not  go  ashore,  but  turning  the  bow  from  the  land, 
they  kept  the  sea  with  a  fine  breeze  from  the  southwest  for 
three  days,  when  a  third  land  was  seen.  Still  Bjarne  would  not 
go  ashore,  for  it  was  not  like  what  had  been  reported  of  Green- 
land. So  they  sailed  on,  driven  by  a  violent  southwest  wind, 
and  after"* four  days  they  reached  a  land  which  suited  the 
description  of  Greenland.  Bjarne  was  not  deceived,  for  it  was 
Greenland,  and  he  happened  to  land  close  to  the  place  where  his 
father  had  settled,"  who  had  preceded  him  to  that  island  from 

"It  cannot  be  determined  with  certainty  what  parts  of  the 
American  coast  Bjarne  saw;  but  from  the  circumstances  of  the 
voyage,  the  course  of  the  winds,  the  direction  of  the  currents, 
and  the  presumed  distance  between  each  sight  of  land,  there  is 
reason  to  believe  that  the  first  land  that  Bjarne  saw  in  the  year 
986,  was  the  present  island  of  Nantucket;  the  second.  Nova 
Scotia ;  and  the  third,  Newfoundland.  Thus  Bjarne  Hehjulfson 
was  the  first  European  whose  eyes  beheld  any  part  of  the 
American  Continent." — America  Not  Discovered  by  Columbus, 
pp.  46-47. 

The  report  of  Bjarue's  adventure,  which  he  carried  to  Norway 
a  few  years  later,  aroused  in  the  mind  of  Leif  Erikson,  son 
of  Erik  the  Red,  a  determination  to  solve  the  problem,  and  find 
out  what  kind  of  lands  these  were  that  were  talked  so  much 
about.     He   bought  Bjarne's   ship,   and   with   a  good   crew  of 



thirty-five  men,  set  sail  and  found  the  lands  just  as  Bjarne  had 
described  them,  far  away  to  the  southwest  of  Greenland.  They 
landed  in  Helluland  (Newfoundland)  and  in  Markland  (Nova 
Scotia),  and  gave  them  names,  and  then  proceeded  into  the 
open  sea  with  a  northeast  wind,  and  were  two  days  at  sea  before 
they  saw  land  again.  They  sailed  into  a  sound  and  up  a  river 
into  a  lake,  where  they  cast  anchor,  brought  their  skin  cots  out 
of  the  ship  and  raised  their  tents.  This  lake  where  they  cast 
anchor,  is  claimed  to  be  Mount  Hope  Bay.  The  account  farther 
says  that  they  took  counsel  and  resolved  to  remain  through  the 
winter,  and  built  a  large  house.  The  nature  of  the  country 
was,  as  they  thought,  so  good  that  cattle  would  not  require 
house-feeding  in  winter.  It  must  have  been  a  mild  winter,  not 
unlike  the  one  just  past  (winter  of  1875-76).  Day  and  night 
were  more  equal  than  in  Greenland  or  Icehind,  for  on  the 
shortest  days  the  sun  was  above  the  horizon  from  half-past 
seven  in  the  morning  till  half-past  four  in  the  afternoon ;  which 
indicates  the  latitude  of  the  place  to  be  41°  24'  10'^,  the  latitude 
of  Mount  Hope,  where  Leif 's  house  is  thought  to  have  been 
situated.  Erikson  called  the  country  Vinland.  Tlie  reason  for 
giving  it  this  name  was  that  one  of  the  crew  named  Tyker, 
a  German,  rambling  in  the  woods,  discovered,  to  his  great  joy 
and  surprise,  grapes  growing  wild.  This  circumstance  gave  the 
land  the  name  of  Vinland,  and,  adds  Professor  Anderson, 
**  history  got  the  interesting  fact  that  a  German  was  along  with 
the  daring  argonauts  of  the  Christian  era." 

This  expedition  took  place  in  the  year  1000.  In  this  centennial 
year  of  our  country's  independence,  when  the  struggles  and 
trials  and  glories  of  the  past  are  recalled  to  mind,  it  is  but  just 
that  Leif  Erikson,  who  was  the  first  pale-faced  man  to  plant  his 
feet  on  the  American  continent,  should  be  remembered  and 

Let  a  person  visiting  Mount  Hope  on  a  bright,  clear  day,  and 
looking  out  upon  the  beautifully -blended  stretch  of  land  and 
water  that  opens  to  his  view — unsurpassed  in  its  loveliness — and 
banishing  from  the  scene  every  vestige  of  man's  cultivation — 
picture  to  himself  how  it  appeared,  in  all  its  native  wildness,  to 
the  hardy  Northern  rovers   who  first  landed  on  these  shores, 


almost  nine  hundred  years  ago.  If  not  content  with  this 
"  reach  of  years,"  he  has  only  to  cast  his  eyes  to  the  earth  at 
his  feet  to  see  where  nature's  great  planes  have  grooved  their 
way  into  the  hard  quartz  rock  on  the  very  summit  of  the  hill,  as 
they  swept  over  it  in  the  great  glacial  drift. 

[B.— Page  29.] 

The  daughter  of  Massasoit,  Philip's  sister,  was  named  Amie. 
The  date  of  her  birth  is  not  known.  She  became  the  wife  of  the 
Black  Sachem,  so  called,  the  chief  of  the  Assawamset  Indians. 
His  name  appears  in  history  as  Tuspaquin.  He  was  one  of 
Philip's  captains,  and  was  captured  by  the  English  and  put  to 
death  at  Plymouth,  some  time  in  September,  1676.  He  had  a  son 
named  Benjamin  Tuspaquin,  who  married  an  Indian  named 
Weecum.  These  latter  also  had  a  son  named  Benjamin  who 
married  Mercy  Felix.  Mercy  was  the  daughter  of  an  Indian 
named  Felix,  who  married  Assowetough,  a  daughter  of  John 
Sassamon.  Benjamin  and  Mercy  Tuspaquin  had  one  child  named 
Lydia.  Lydia  married  an  Indian  named  Wamsley,  and  they  had 
a  daughter  named  Phebe,  who  was  born  February  26,  1770,  and 
died  August  IG,  1839.  She  was  twice  married, — first  to  Silas 
Rosier,  an  Indian  of  the  Marshpee  tribe.  After  his  death  she 
married,  March  4,  1797,  Brister  Gould.  They  had  a  daughter 
Zerviah,  who  was  born  July  24,  1807.  She  married  Thomas  C. 
Mitchell,  October  17,  1824.  She  now  resides,  or  did  in  1879,  in 
North  Abington,  Mass.,  and  is  the  publisher  of  a  book  entitled, 
"Indian  History,  Biography  and  Genealogy:  pertaining  to  the 
Good  Sachem  Massasoit  of  the  Wampanoag  Tribe,  and  his  de- 
scendants." The  book  is  compiled  by  Ebenezer  W.  Peirce,  of 
Freetown,  Mass.,  and  from  it  is  derived  the  above  recited  bio- 
graphy of  tlie  descendants  of  Massasoit.  It  was  published  in 
1878.  Two  daughters  of  Zerviah  Mitchell,  Melinda  and  Char- 
lotte, canvassed  for  subscribers  to  their  mother's  book,  and  by 
their  intelligence  and  modest  behavior,  won  universal  respect. 
The  Indian  name  of  Melinda  is  Teweelema,  and  that  of  Charlotte, 


[C.  —  Page  116.] 


After  the  capture  and  death  of  Philip,  Capt.  Church,  while  at 
Plymouth,  learned  that  old  Annawou  was  with  his  company,  rang- 
ing about  the  woods  in  Rehoboth  and  Swanzey,  and  being  solic- 
ited by  the  Government,  consented  to  engage  in  an  expedition  for 
his  capture.  He  enlisted  Mr.  Jabez  Rowland,  his  old  Lieutenant, 
and  some  of  his  soldiers,  and  ranged  through  the  woods  to  Po- 
casset.  It  being  the  latter  end  of  the  week,  he  proposed  to  go 
on  to  Rhode  Island  and  rest  until  Monday.  "But  early  on  the 
Lord's  day  morning,"  I  quote  again  from  Church's  history, 
"there  came  a  post  to  inform  the  Captain,  that  early  the  same 
morning  a  canoe  with  several  Indians  in  it  passed  from  Prudence 
Island  to  Poppasquash  Neck.  Captain  Church  thought  if  he 
could  possibly  surprise  them,  he  might  probably  gain  some  intel- 
ligence of  more  game ;  therefore  he  made  all  possible  speed  after 
them.  The  ferrj'-  boat  being  out  of  the  way  he  made  use  of 
canoes.  But  by  that  time  they  had  made  two  freights  and  had 
got  over  the  Captain  and  about  fifteen  or  sixteen  of  his  Indians, 
the  wind  sprung  up  with  such  violence  that  canoes  could  no 
more  pass.  The  Captain  seeing  it  was  impossible  for  any  more 
of  his  soldiers  to  come  to  him,  he  told  his  Indians  if  they  were 
willing  to  go  with  him,  he  would  go  to  Poppasquash  and  see  if 
they  could  catch  some  of  the  enemy  Indians.  So  they  marched 
through  the  thickets  that  they  might  not  be  discovered,  until 
they  came  unto  the  salt  meadow  *  to  the  northward  of  Bristol 
town,  that  now  is.  Then  they  heard  a  gun,  the  Captain  looked 
about  not  knowing  but  it  might  be  some  of  his  own  company  in 
the  rear;  so  halting  till  they  all  came  up,  he  found  'twas  none  of 
his  own  company  that  fired.  Now  though  he  had  but  a  few  men, 
was  minded  to  send  some  of  them  out  on  a  scout.     He  moved  it 

*At  Silver  Creek,  near  where  the  Gas  Works  are  now  located. 


to  Captain  Lightfoot  to  go  with  three  more  on  a  scout;  he  said 
he  was  willing,  providing  the  Captain's  man  Nathanael  (which 
was  an  Indian  that  they  had  lately  taken),  miglit  be  one  of  them, 
because  he  was  well  acquainted  with  the  Neck  (Mount  Hope 
Neck),  and  coming  lately  from  among  them  knew  how  to  call 

Dexter,  in  his  "  History  of  King  Philip's  War."  in  a  note  says  : 
"  The  Indians  were  accustomed  to  have  some  call— like  a  wolf's 
howl,  a  loon's  cry,  or  something  of  that  sort — by  which  they 
could  signal  each  other  in  the  woods.  This  was  changed  as 
often  as  there  w^as  danger  of  its  becoming  known  to  their  ene- 
mies. Nathanael,  being  recently  captured,  would  know  what 
that  signal  of  his  tribe  now  was." 

"  The  Captain  bid  him  choose  his  three  companions  and  go; 
and  if  they  came  across  any  of  the  enemy  not  to  kill  them  if  they 
could  possibly  take  them  alive;  that  they  might  gain  intelligence 
concerning  Annawon*.  The  Captain  with  the  rest  of  his  com- 
pany moved  but  a  little  further  toward  Poppasquash,  before  they 
heard  another  gun,  which  seemed  to  be  the  same  way  with  the 
other,  but  further  off;  but  they  made  no  halt  until  they  came 
unto  the  narrow  of  Poppasquash  Neck;  where  Captain  Church 
left  three  men  more  to  watch  if  any  should  come  out  of  the  Neck, 
and  to  inform  the  scout,  when  they  returned,  which  way  he  had 

"  He  parted  the  remainder  of  his  company,  half  on  one  side  of 
the  Neck,  and  the  other  with  himself,  went  on  the  other  side, 
until  they  met;  and  meeting  neither  with  Indians  nor  canoe,  re- 
turned big  with  expectations  of  tidings  by  their  scout.  But 
when  they  came  back  to  the  three  men  at  the  narrow  of  the  Neck, 
they  told  their  Captain  the  scout  had  not  returned,  and  they  had 
not  heard  nor  seen  anything  of  them.  This  tilled  them  with 
thoughts  of  what  should  become  of  them.  By  that  time  they  had 
sat  and  waited  an  hour  longer  it  was  very  dark,  and  they  de- 
spaired of  their  returning  to  them  Some  of  the  Indians  told 
their  Captain  they  feared  his  new  man  Nathanael  had  met  with 
his  old  Mount  Hope  friends,  and  turned  rogue.  They  concluded 
to  make  no  fires  that  night  (and  indeed  they  had  no  great  need  of 
any),  for  they  had  no  victuals  to  cook,  not  so  much  as  a  morsel 


of  bread  with  them.  They  took  up  their  lodgings  scattering, 
that  if  possibly  their  scout  should  come  in  the  night  and  whistle 
(which  w\as  their  sign),  some  or  other  of  them  might  hear  them." 
Church  says  they  had  a  very  solitary,  hungry  night,  and  as 
soon  as  the  day  broke  (Monday,  11th  of  September,  1676),  they 
drew  off  through  the  brush  to  a  hill  without  the  Neck  (probably 
where  the  cemetery  is  now  located),  and  soon  discovered  an  In- 
dian running  somewhat  toward  them.  The  Captain  ordered  one 
man  to  step  out  of  the  brush  and  show  himself,  upon  which  the 
Indian  ran  right  to  him,  and  proved  to  be  Captain  Lightfoot. 
He  reported  that  he  had  captured  ten  Indians,  and  that  they 
guarded  them  all  night  in  one  of  the  "  flankers  of  the  old  English 
garrison," — the  English  fort  at  the  Narrows  that  Church  had  be- 
fore ridiculed.  Their  prisoners  were  a  part  of  Annavvon's  com- 
pany who  had  left  their  families  in  a  swamp  above  Mattapoiset 
Neck.  As  they  were  going  towards  the  Narrows,  Lightfoot  gave 
Captain  Church  a  particular  account  of  their  exploit,  as  follows  : 
*'That  presently  after  they  left  him,  they  heard  another  gun 
which  seemed  to  be  towards  the  Indian  burying  place,*  and  mov- 
ing that  way  they  discovered  two  of  the  enemy  fleeing  of  an 
horse.  The  scout  clapping  into  the  brush,  Nathanael  bid  them 
sit  down,  and  he  would  presently  call  all  the  Indians  thereabout 
unto  him.  They  hid,  and  he  went  a  little  distance  back  from 
them  and  sat  up  his  note  and  howled  like  a  wolf;  one  of  the  two 
immediately  left  his  horse  and  came  running  to  see  who  was 
there;  but  Nathanael  howling  lower  and  lower  drew  him  in  be- 
tween those  that  lay  in  wait  for  him,  who  seized  him.  Nathan- 
ael continuing  the  same  note,  the  other  left  the  horse,  also  fol- 
lowing his  mate,  and  met  with  the  same.  When  they  caught 
these  two,  they  examined  them  apart,  and  found  them  to  agree  in 
their  story,  that  there  were  eight  more  of  them  come  down  into 
the  Neck  to  get  provisions,  and  had  agreed  to  meet  at  the  bury- 
ing place  that  evening.  These  two  being  some  of  Natlianael's 
old  acquaintances,  he  had  great  influence  upon  them,  and  with 
his  enticing  story  (telling  what  a  brave  Captain   he  had,  how 

*  There  was  an  Indian  Burying  Ground  at  the  Narrows,  and  this  was  un- 
doubtedly the  one  referred  to.  It  is  on  the  farm  of  Loring  B.  CoggeshalL— 1877. 


bravely  he  lived  since  he  had  been  with  him,  aud  how  much  they 
might  better  their  condition  by  turning  to  him,  etc.),  persuaded 
and  engaged  them  to  be  on  his  side,  which  indeed  now  began  to 
be  the  better  side  of  the  hedge.  They  waited  but  a  little  while 
before  they  saw  the  rest  of  them  coming  up  to  the  burying  place, 
and  Nathanael  soon  howled  them  in  as  he  had  done  their  mates 
before."  At  the  garrison,  Captain  Church  met  Lieutenant  How- 
land  and  the  rest  of  his  company,  who,  "on  getting  across  the 
ferry  and  following  Church,  may  have  fallen  in  with  one  of 
Lightfoot's  scouts,  or  may  have  gone  to  the  old  garrison  at  a 
venture,  as  a  likely  place  for  meeting  him  or  news  from  him," 
saj'^s  Dexter,  before  quoted.  The  next  move  was  to  capture  the 
women  and  children,  that  the  prisoners  reported  they  had  left  at 
Mattapoiset  Neck,  which  they  succeeded  in  doing,  together  with 
some  others  who  had  newly  come  to  them  They  all  held  to  one 
story,  that  it  was  hard  to  tell  where  to  find  Annavvon,  for  he 
never  "  roosted  twice  in  a  place."  One  of  Church's  Indian  sol- 
diers asked  liberty  to  go  and  fetch  in  his  father,  whom  he  said 
was  about  four  miles  from  that  place,  in  a  swamp  with  no  other 
than  one  young  squaw.  Church  concluded  to  go  with  him,  think- 
ing he  might  gain  some  intelligence  of  Annawon,  "  and  so  taking 
one  Englishman  and  a  few  Indians  with  him,  leaving  the  rest 
there,  he  went  with  his  new  soldier  to  his  father.  When  he  came 
to  the  swamp,  he  bid  the  Indian  go  see  if  he  could  find  his  father. 
He  was  no  sooner  gone  but  Captain  Church  discovered  a  track 
coming  down  out  of  the  woods,  upon  which  he  and  his  little  com- 
pany lay  close,  some  on  one  side  of  the  track,  and  some  on  the 
other.  They  heard  the  Indian  soldier  make  a  howling  for  his^ 
father;  and  at  length  somebody  answered  him,  but  while  they 
were  listening  they  thought  they  heard  somebody  coming  towards 
them ;  presently  saw  an  old  man  coming  up  with  a  gun  on  his 
shoulder,  and  a  young  woman  following  of  him  in  the  track  which 
they  lay  by.  They  let  them  come  up  between  them,  and  then 
started  up  and  laid  hold  on  them  both.  Captain  Church  imme- 
diately examined  them  apart,  telling  them  what  they  must  trust 
to  if  they  told  false  stories.  He  asked  the  young  woman  what 
company  they  came  last  from.  She  said  from  Captain  Anna- 
won's.     He  asked   her  how   many  were  in  company  with  hira, 



when  she  left  him ;  she  said  fifty  or  sixty.  He  asked  her  hovy 
many  miles  it  was  to  the  place  where  she  left  him ;  she  said  she 
did  not  understand  miles,  but  it  was  up  in  Squaunaconk  Swamp. 
The  old  man,  who  had  been  one  of  Philip's  Council,  upon  exami- 
nation, gave  exactly  the  same  account.  Captain  Church  asked 
him  if  they  could  get  there  that  night.  He  said  if  they  went 
presently  and  travelled  stoutly,  they  might  get  there  by  sun  set. 
He  asked  whither  he  was  going.  He  answered  that  Anuawon 
had  sent  him  down  to  look  for  some  Indians  that  were  gone 
down  into  Mount  Hope  Neck  to  kill  provisions.  Captain  Church 
let  him  know  that  those  Indians  were  all  his  prisoners.  By  this 
time  came  the  Indian  soldier  and  brought  his  father  and  one  In- 
dian more.  The  Captain  was  now  in  great  straight  of  mind 
what  to  do  next.  He  had  a  mind  to  give  Annawon  a  visit,  now 
he  knew  where  to  find  him  ;  but  his  company  was  very  small,  but 
half  a  dozen  men  beside  himself,  and  was  under  a  necessity  to 
send  somebody  back  to  acquaint  his  Lieutenant  and  company 
with  his  proceedings.  However,  he  asked  his  small  company 
that  were  with  him,  whether  they  would  willingly  go  with  him 
and  give  Annawon  a  visit.  They  told  him,  they  were  always 
ready  to  obey  his  commands,  but  withal  told  him  that  they  knew 
this  Captain  .Vnuawon  was  a  great  soldier,  that  he  had  been  a 
valiant  Captain  under  Asuhmequin,  Philip's  father,  and  that  he 
had  been  Philip's'Chieftain  all  this  War;  a  very  subtle  man.  and 
of  great  resolution,  and  had  often  said  that  he  would  never  be 
taken  alive  by  the  English ;  and  moreover,  they  knew  that  the 
men  that  were  with  him  were  resolute  fellows,  some  of  Philip's 
chief  soldiers,  and  therefore  feared  whether  it  was  practicable  to 
make  an  attempt  upon  him  with  so  small  a  handful  of  assailants 
as  now  were  with  him.  Told  him  further,  that  it  would  be  a 
pity  that  after  all  the  great  things  he  had  done,  he  should  throw 
away  his  life  at  last,  etc.  Upon  which  he  replied,  that  he 
doubted  not  Annawon  was  a  subtle  and  valiant  man;  that  he 
had  a  long  time  but  in  vain  sought  for  him,  and  never  till  now 
could  find  his  quarters,  and  he  was  very  loth  to  miss  of  the  op- 
portunity, and  doubt  not  but  that  if  they  would  cheerfully  go 
with  him,  the  same  Almighty  Providence  that  had  hitherto  pro- 
tected and  befriended  them,  would  do  so  still.     Upon  this  with 


one  consent  tliey  said,  tliey  wonld  go.  Captain  Church  then 
turned  to  one  Cook  of  Plymouth  (the  only  Englishman  then  with 
him),  and  asked  him  what  he  thought  of  it,  who  replied.  Sir,  I 
am  never  afraid  of  going  anywhere  when  you  are  with  me.  Then 
Captain  Church  asked  the  old  Indian  if  he  could  carry  his  horse 
with  him.  He  replied  that  it  would  be  impossible  for  an  horse 
to  pass  the  swamps.  Therefore  he  sent  away  his  new  Indian 
soldier  with  his  father  and  the  Captain's  horse  to  his  Lieutenant, 
and  orders  for  him  to  move  to  Taunton  with  the  prisoners,  to 
secure  from  them  there,  and  to  come  out  in  the  morning  in  the 
Rehoboth  road,  in  which  he  might  expect  to  meet  him,  if  he 
were  alive  and  had  success.  The  Captain  then  asked  the  old 
fellow  if  he  would  pilot  him  to  Annawon.  He  answered  th:it  he 
having  given  him  his  life,  he  was  obliged  to  serve  him.  He  bid 
him  move  on  then,  and  they  followed.  The  old  man  would  out- 
travel  them  so  far  sometimes  that  they  were  almost  out  of  sight ; 
looking  over  his  shoulder  and  seeing  them  behind  he  would  halt. 
Just  as  the  sun  was  setting,  the  old  man  made  a  full  stop  and  sat 
down,  the  full  company  coming  up  also  sat  down,  being  all 
weary.  Captain  Church  asked  what  news.  He  answered  that 
about  that  time  in  the  evening  Captain  Annawon  sent  out  his 
scouts  to  see  if  the  coast  was  clear,  and  as  ^oon  as  it  began  to 
grow  dark  the  scouts  returned,  and  then,  said  he,  we  may  move 
again  securely. 

"  When  it  began  to  grow  dark  the  old  man  stood  up  again,  Cap- 
tain Church  asked  him  if  he  would  take  a  gun  and  fight  for  him? 
He  bowed  very  low,  and  prayed  him  not  to  impose  such  a  thing 
upon  him,  as  to  fight  against  Captain  Annawon  his  old  friend. 
But  says  he,  '  I  will  go  along  with  you,  and  be  helpful  to  you, 
and  will  lay  hand  on  any  man  tlrat  shall  offer  to  hurt  you.' 

*'  It  being  now  pretty  dark,  they  moved  close  together ;— anon 
they  heard  a  noise.  The  Captain  stayed  the  old  man  with  his 
hand,  and  asked  his  own  men  what  noise  they  thought  it  might 
he?  They  concluded  it  to  be  the  pounding  of  a  mortar.  The 
old  man  had  given  Captain  Church  a  description  of  the  place* 

*  '•  This  solitary  retreat  is  in  the  southeasterly  part  of  the  town  of  Rehoboth^ 
but  being  near  Taunton  line,  some,  in  relating  the  story,  report  it  to  be  in  this 


where  Annawon  now  lay,  and  of  the  difficulty  of  getting  at  him. 
Being  sensible  that  they  were  pretty  near  them,  with  two  of  his 
Indians  he  creeps  to  the  edge  of  the  rocks,  from  whence  he  could 
see  their  camps.  He  saw  three  companies  of  Indians  at  a  little 
distance  from  each  other;  being  easy  to  be  discovered  by  the 
light  of  their  tires.  He  saw  also  the  great  Annawox  and  his 
company,  who  had  formed  his  camp  or  kenneling  place  by  falling 
a  tree  under  the  side  of  the  great  cliffs  of  rocks,  and  setting  a 
row  of  birch  bushes  up  against  it ;  where  he  himself,  his  son,  and 
some  of  his  chiefs  had  taken  up  their  lodgings,  and  made  great 
fires  without  them,  and  had  their  pots  and  kettles  boiling,  and 
spits  roasting.  Their  arms  also  he  discovered,  all  set  together, 
in  a  place  fitted  for  the  purpose,  standing  up  an  end  against  a 
stick  lodged  in  two  crotchets,  and  a  mat  placed  over  them,  to 
keep  them  from  the  wet  or  dew.  The  old  Annawon's  feet  and 
his  sou's  head  were  so  near  the  arms,  as  almost  to  touch  them. 

"  The  rocks  were  so  steep  that  it  was  impossible  to  get  down, 
as  they  lowered  themselves  by  the  boughs,  and  the  bushes  that 
grew  in  the  cracks  of  the  rocks.     Captain  Church  creeping  back 

town.  It  is  about  eight  miles  from  Taunton  green,  and  nearly  in  a  direct  line 
to  Providence.  The  northwest  corner  of  Dighton  runs  up  between  Taunton 
and  Relioboth,  througli  which  we  pass  in  going  from  Taunton  to  Annawon'S 
KOOK.  (By  this  name  it  is  known  throughout  that  part  of  the  country.)  It  is 
in  a  great  swamp,  called  Squannaconk,  containing  nearly  three  thousand  acres, 
as  I  was  informed  by  Mr.  A.  Bliss,  the  nearest  inhabitant  to  it.  The  road 
passes  round  the  northwesterly  part  of  the  swamp,  and  within  six  or  eight  rods 
of  the  rock.  This  immense  rock  extends  northeast  and  southwest  seventy  or 
eighty  feet,  and  to  this  day  the  camp  of  Annawon  is  approached  with  difficulty. 
A  part  of  its  southeast  side  hangs  over  a  little,  and  the  other,  on  the  northeast 
part,  seems  in  no  very  distant  period,  to  have  tumbled  down  in  large  clefts. 
Its  height  may  be  thirty  feet.  It  is  composed  of  sand  and  pebbles.  A  few 
scattering  maple,  beech,  birch,  &c.,  grow  about  it;  as  also  briars  and  water 
bushes,  so  thick  as  almost  to  forbid  approach.  Formerly,  it  was,  no  doubt, 
entirely  surrounded  by  water,  as  it  is  to  this  time  in  wet  seasons.  The  north- 
west side  of  the  rock  is  easily  ascended,  as  it  gradually  slopes  away  from  its 
summit  to  its  base,  and  at  an  angle,  perliaps,  not  exceeding  thirty-five  degrees. 
Small  bushes  grow  from  the  seams  in  its  steep  side,  as  in  the  days  of  Church. 
Near  the  southwest  extremity  is  an  opening  of  an  angular  form,  in  which,  it  is 
said,  Annawon  and  the  other  chiefs  were  encamped.  This  opening  now  con- 
tains the  stump  of  a  large  tree,  which  must  have  grown  since  those  days,  as  it 
nearly  fills  it  up. 


again  to  the  old  man,  asked  him,  if  there  were  no  possibility  of 
getting  at  them  some  other  way?  He  answered,  'No.'  That 
he  and  all  that  belonged  to  Annavvon,  were  ordered  to  come  that 
way,  and  none  could  come  any  other  way  without  difficulty,  or 
danger  of  being  shot. 

"  Captain  Church  then  ordered  the  old  man  and  his  daughter  to 
go  down  foremost  with  their  baskets  at  their  backs,  that  when 
Annawon  saw  them  with  their  baskets  he  should  not  mistrust  the 
intrigue.  Captain  Church  and  his  handful  of  soldiers  crept 
down  also,  under  the  shadow  of  those  two  and  their  baskets. 
The  Captain  himself  crept  close  behind  the  old  man,  Avith  his 
hatchet  in  his  hand,  and  stepped  over  the  young  man's  head  to 
the  arms.  The  young  Annawon  discovering  of  him,  whipped 
his  blanket  over  his  head,  and  shrunk  up  in  a  heap.  The  old 
Captain  Annawon  started  up  on  his  breech,  and  cried  out 
'  Howoh.'  And  despairing  of  escape,  threw  himself  back  again, 
and  lay  silent  until  Captain  Church  had  secured  all  the  arras,  etc. 
And  having  secured  that  company,  he  sent  his  Indian  soldiers  to 
the  other  fires  and  companies,  giving  them  instructions,  what  to 
do  and  say.  Accordingly  they  went  into  the  midst  of  them. 
When  they  discovered  themselves,  told  them  that  their  Captain 
Annawon  was  taken,  and  it  would  be  best  for  them,  quietly  and 
peaceably  to  surrender  themselves,  which  would  procure  good 
quarter  for  them ;  otherwise,  if  they  should  pretend  to  resist  or 
make  their  escape,  it  would  be  in  vain,  and  they  could  expect  no 
other  but  that  Captain  Church,  with  his  great  army,  who  had 
now  entrapped  them,  would  cut  them  to  pieces.  Told  them  also, 
if  they  would  submit  themselves,  and  deliver  up  all  their  arms, 
unto  them,  and  keep  every  man  in  his  place  until  it  was  day 
they  would  assure  them  that  their  Captain  Church,  who  had 
been  so  kind  to  themselves  when  they  surrendered  to  him, 
should  be  as  kind  to  them.  Now  they  being  old  acquaintance, 
and  many  of  them  relations,  did  much  the  readier  give  heed  to 
what  they  said ;  complied,  and  surrendered  up  their  arms  unto 
them,  both  their  guns  and  hatchets,  etc.,  and  were  forthwith 
carried  to  Captain  Church, 

"  Things  being  so  far  settled,  Captain  Church  asked  Annawon, 
'what  he  had  for  supper?'     'For,'  said  he,   '  I  am  come  to  sup 


\vitli  yoii.'  *  Taubut'  (said  Anuawou),  with  a  big  voice,  and 
looking  about  upon  hib  women,  bid  them  hasten  and  get  Captain 
Church  and  his  company  some  supper.  Then  turned  to  Cap- 
tain Church  and  asked  him  whether  he  would  eat  cow  beef  or 
horse  beef?  The  Captain  told  him  cow  beef  would  be  most  ac- 
ceptable. It  was  soon  got  ready,  and  pulling  his  little  bag  of 
salt  out  of  his  pocket,  which  was  all  the  provision  he  brought 
with  him.  This  seasoned  his  cow  beef.  So  that  with  it  and  the 
dried  green  corn,  which  the  old  Squaw  was  pounding  in  the  mor- 
tar, while  they  were  sliding  down  the  rocks,  he  made  a  very 
hearty  supper.  And  this  pounding  in  the  mortar  proved  lucky 
for  Captain  Church's  getting  down  the  rocks ;  for  when  the  old 
squaw  pounded,  they  moved,  and  when  she  ceased  to  turn  the 
corn,  they  ceased  creeping.  The  noise  of  the  mortar  prevented 
the  enemy's  hearing  their  creeping,  and  the  corn  being  nov#* 
dressed,  supplied  the  want  of  bread,  and  gave  a  tine  relish  with 
the  cow  beef. 

"  Supper  being  over,  Captain  Church  sent  two  of  his  men  to  in- 
form the  other  companies,  that  he  had  killed  Philip,  and  taken 
their  friends  in  Mount  Hope  Neck,  but  had  spared  their  lives, 
and  that  he  had  subdued  now  all  the  enemy,  (he  supposed)  ex- 
cept this  company  of  Annawon ;  and  now  if  they  would  be  orderly 
and  keep  their  places  until  morning,  they  should  have  good  quar- 
ter, and  thi\t  he  would  carry  them  to  Taunton,  where  they  might 
see  their  friends  again,  etc. 

"  The  messengers  returned,  that  the  Indians  yielded  to  his  pro- 

''  Captain  Church  thought  it  was  now  time  for  him  to  take  a  nap, 
having  had  no  sleep  in  two  days  and  one  night  before.  Told  his 
men,  that  if  they  would  let  him  sleep  two  hours,  they  should 
sleep  all  the  rest  of  the  night.  He  laid  himself  down  and  en- 
deavored to  sleep,  but  all  disposition  to  sleep  departed  from  him. 

"  After  he  had  lain  a  little  while,  he  looked  up  to  see  how  his 
watch  managed,  but  found  them  all  fiist  asleep.  Now  Captain 
Church  had  told  Captain  Annawon's  company,  as  he- had  ordered 
his  Indians  to  tell  the  others;  that  their  lives  should  all  be 
spared,  excepting  Captain  Annawon's,  and   it  was  not  in  his 


power  to  promise  him  his   life,  but  he  must  carry  liim  to   his 
masters  at  Plymouth,  aud  he  would  entreat  them  for  his  life. 

"  Now  when  Captain  Church  found  not  only  his  own  men,  but 
all  the  Indians  fast  asleep,  Annawon  only  excepted,  who,  he  per- 
ceived, was  as  broad  awake  as  himself;  and  so  they  lay  looking" 
one  upon  the  other,  perhaps  an  hour.  Captain  Church  said  noth- 
ing to  him,  for  he  could  not  speak  Indian,  and  thought  Anna- 
won  could  not  speak  English. 

"  At  length  Annawon  raised  himself  up,  cast  off  his  blanket,  and 
with  no  more  clothes  than  his  small  breeches,  walked  a  little  way 
back  from  the  company.  Captain  Church  thought  *  *  *  i^q 
would  very  soon  return.  But  by  and  by  he  was  gone  out  of 
sight  and  hearing,  and  then  Captain  Church  began  to  suspect 
some  ill  design  in  him ;  and  got  all  the  guns  close  to  him,  and 
crowded  himself  close  under  young  Annawon ;  that  if  he  should 
anywhere  get  a  gun,  he  should  not  make  a  shot  at  him,  without 
endangering  his  son.  Lying  very  still  awhile,  waiting  for  the 
event,  at  length,  he  heard  somebody  coming  the  same  way  that 
Annawon  went.  The  moon  now  shining  bright,  he  saw  him  at 
a  distance  coming  with  something  in  his  hands,  aud  coming  up 
to  Captain  Church,  he  fell  upon  his  knees  before  him,  and  offered 
him  what  he  had  brought,  and  speaking  in  plain  English,  said, 
'  Great  Captain,  you  have  killed  Philip,  and  conquered  his  coun- 
try; for  I  believe  that  I  and  my  company  are  the  last  that  war 
against  the  English,  so  suppose  the  war  is  ended  by  your  means; 
and  therefore  these  things  belong  unto  you.'  Then  opening  his 
pack,  he  pulled  out  Philip's  belt,  curiously  wrought  with  wom- 
pom,  being  nine  inches  broad,  wrought  with  black  and  white 
wompom,  in  various  figures,  and  flowers  and  pictures  of  many 
birds  and  beasts.  This,  when  hanged  upon  Captain  Church's 
shoulders,  reached  his  ancles ;  and  another  belt  of  wompom  he 
presented  him  with,  wrought  after  the  former  manner,  which 
Philip  was  wont  to  put  upon  his  head.  It  had  two  flags  on  the 
back  part,  which  hung  down  on  his  back,  and  another  small  belt 
with  a  star  upon  the  end  of  it,  which  he  used  to  hang  on  his 
breast,  and  they  were  all  edged  with  red  hair,  which  Annawon 
said  they  got  in  the  Mohog's  country.  Then  he  pulled  out  two 


horns  of  glazed  powder,  and  a  red  cloth  blanket.  He  told  Cap- 
tain Chnrch  these  were  Philip's  royalties,  which  he  was  wont  to 
adorn  himself  with,  when  he  sat  in  state;  that  he  thought  him- 
self happy  that  he  had  an  opportunity  to  present  them  to  Captain 
Church,  who  had  won  them,  etc.  Spent  the  remainder  of  the 
night  in  discourse.  And  gave  an  account  of  what  mighty  success 
he  had  formerly  in  wars  against  many  nations  of  Indians,  when 
he  served  Asuhmeqnin,  Philip's  father,  etc. 

"  In  the  morning,  as  soon  as  it  was  light,  the  Captain  marched 
with  his  prisoners  out  of  that  swampy  country  towards  Taun- 
ton. Met  his  Lieutenant  and  company  about  four  miles  out  of 
town,  who  expressed  a  great  deal  of  joy  to  see  him  again,  and 
said  it  was  more  than  ever  they  expected.  They  went  into 
Taunton,  were  civilly  and  kindly  treated  by  the  inhabitants. 
Refreshed  and  rested  themselves  that  night. 

'•  Early  next  morning,  the  Captain  took  old  Anna  won,  and  half 
a  dozen  of  his  Indian  soldiers,  and  his  own  man,  and  went  to 
Rhode  Island  ;  sending  the  rest  of  his  company,  and  his  pris- 
oners by  his  Lieutenant  to  Plymouth." 

After  tarrying  two  or  three  days  upon  the  island,  Capt.  Church 
went  to  Plymouth,  taking  Annawon  with  him.  He  had  been 
there,  however,  but  a  few  days,  when  he  was  informed  of  a  par- 
cel of  Indians  in  the  woods  between  Plymouth  and  Sippican,  and 
started  in  pursuit  of  them.  They  soon  came  upon  the  track  of 
an  Indian,  and  following  it,  discovered  a  party  of  about  fifty  sit- 
ting around  their  fires,  whom  they  captured,  not  one  escaping. 
An  examination  proved  these  Indians  to  belong  to  Tispaquin 
[or  Tuspaquin],  one  of  Philip's  captains,  and  the  husband  of 
Philip's  sister.  Tispaquin  himself  was  gone  with  two  or  three 
others,  to  Agawam  and  Sippican — Wareham  and  Rochester — for 
provisions,  "and  were  not  expected  back  in  two  or  three  days." 
Captain  Church  was  desirous  of  securing  the  services  of  Tispa- 
quin to  fight  the  eastern  Indians,  and  "  left  two  old  squaws  of  the 
prisoners,  and  bid  them  tarry  there  until  Tispaquin  returned, 
and  to  tell  him  that  Church  had  been  there,  and  had  taken  his 
-wife  and  children,  and  company,  and  carried  them  down  to  Ply- 
mouth, and  would  spare  all  their  lives  and  his  too,  if  he  would 


come  down  to  them,  and  bring  the  other  two  with  him,  and  they 
should  be  his  soldiers." 

Captain  Church  returned  to  Plymouth  with  his  prisoners,  and 
two  da.ys  after  went  to  Boston.  "  The  same  day  Tispaquin  came 
in  and  those  tliat  were  with  him.  But  when  Captain  Church 
returned  from  Boston,  he  found,  to  his  grief,  the  heads  of  Anna- 
won,  Tispaquin,  etc.,  cut  oft",  which  were  the  last  of  Philip's 

And  these  few  lines  chronicle  the  annihilation  of  a  once  power- 
ful and  haughty  people.  One  after  another,  their  great  leaders 
had  been  betrayed  by  the  foulest  treachery,  and  slain  without 
mercy.  In  the  case  of  Tispaquin,  the  plighted  faith  of  Church 
was  broken,  apparently  without  the  least  hesitation,  by  the  Ply- 
mouth authorities.  Drake,  in  a  note,  says  :—"  The  conduct  of 
the  government  in  putting  to  death  Annawon,  Tispaquin,  etc., 
has  ever  been  viewed  as  barbarous ;  no  circumstance  now  made 
it  necessary.  The  Indians  were  subdued,  therefore  no  example 
was  wanting  to  deter  others.  It  is  true,  some  were  mentioned 
by  the  government  as  unmeriting  mercy ;  but  humanity  forbade 
the  execution  of  laws  formed  only  for  the  emergencies  of  the 

Gov.  Hutchinson  says: — "Every  person,  almost,  in  the  two 
colonies  [Massachusetts  and  Plymouth],  had  lost  a  relation  or 
near  friend,  and  the  people  in  general  were  exasperated;  but  all 
does  not  sufficiently  excuse  this  great  severity."  f 

Hubbard,  on  the  contrary,  justilies  these  executions,  as  he 
does  every  act  of  treachery  and  cruelty  against  the  Indians. 

•   *  Church's  Philip's  War,  p.  146.  t  Hist.  Mass.  i.,  277. 



*'  This  name  is  given  to  a  spot  in  Cumberland,  where  nine  men 
were  slain  by  the  Indians,  on  the  same  day  with  Pierce's  Fight. 
This  place  is  in  what  is  called  '  Camp  Swamp,'  so  named  from 


the  fact  tliat  the  Indians  frequently  made  it  a  place  of  retreat 
durin*^  Pliilip's  war.  There  are  two  or  three  traditions  respect- 
ing this  event,  but  the  one  which  seems  the  most  probable,  and 
the  best  suppoited  by  circumstances,  is,  that  these  nine  men 
were  a  remnant  of  Pierce's  brave  band,  who  were  taken  prison- 
ers by  the  Indians,  and  reserved  for  torture.  They  were  taken 
to  the  spot,  and  seated  upon  a  rock.  Its  position  is  said  to  be 
precisely  defined  on  the  maps  ;  but  there  is  nothing  to  indicate  a 
natural  ampitheatre,  as  described  by  some  early  writers  The 
savages  commenced  the  war-dance  around  their  prisoners  and 
were  preparing  to  torture  them;  but,  disagreeing  about  the 
manner  of  torture,  they  fell  into  a  quarrel  among  themselves, 
during  which  some  of  the  Indians  despatched  the  prisoners  with 
the  tomahawk.  This  story  is  said  to  have  been  related  to  the 
English  by  an  Indian  who  was  soon  after  this  taken  prisoner. 
The  Indians  having  scalped  them,  left  their  bodies  upon  the  rock 
where  they  had  slain  thein,  and  here  they  remained  uuburied  till 
they  were  discovered  by  the  English  some  weeks  after.  They 
were  then  buried,  all  in  one  grave  on  the  higher  ground,  fifteen 
or  twenty  rods  from  the  rock  on  which  they  were  slain.  A  heap 
of  small  stones  in  the  shape  of  the  earth  on  a  newly  made  grave 
marked  the  spot  where  they  were  buried.  A  part  of  these  bones, 
about  the  time  of  the  American  Revolution,  were  disinterred  by 
some  physicians  of  Providence.  One  of  the  men  was  ascertained 
to  be  a  Bucklin,  of  Rehoboth,  from  his  very  large  frame,  and 
from  a  set  of  double  teeth  all  around.  In  the  Rehoboth  town 
record  of  deaths  and  burials  the  names  of  four  individuals  are 
recorded  as  '  slain  on  the  26th  of  March,  1676,'  viz.  :  John  Reed, 
Jr.,  John  Fitch,  Jr.,  Benjamin  Buckland,  and  John  Miller,  Jr. 
Between  the  first  two  of  these  names  and  the  last  two,  are  in- 
serted the  names  of  seven  other  persons,  bearing  a  later  date; 
which  leads  me  to  infer  that  John  Reed,  Jr.,  and  John  Fitch,  Jr. 
were  found  with  the  main  body  of  the  slain  of  Pierce's  army, 
and  that  Benjamin  Buckland  and  John  Miller,  Jr.,  were  found 
among  the  nine,  at  '  Nine  Men's  Misery,'  and  interred  at  a  later 
period  than  the  other  two."  * 

*  Bliss'  History  of  Rehoboth,  pp.  94  and  95. 


A  skull  of  one  of  the  men  slain  at  "Nine  Men's  Misery,"  is 
in  the  museum  of  Brown  University,  at  Providence,  and  plainly 
shows  the  "  cut"  of  the  tomahawk. 


On  the  9th  of  April,  1676,  Canonchet  was  found  on  the  Black- 
stone  river,  not  far  from  the  village  of  Pawtucket.  Hubbard 
gives  the  following  account  of  his  capture:  — 

"  Captain   George    Deunison,    of    Stonington,    and    Captain 
Avery,  of  New  Loudon,  having  raised  forty-seven  English,  the 
most  part  volunteers,  with  eighty  Indians,  twenty  of  which  were 
Narragansetts  belonging  to  Ninigret,  commanded  by  one   Cata- 
pazet;    the  rest   Pequods,  under  Casasinamon,  and   Mohegins 
under  Oneco,  son  to  Uncas,  being  now  abroad  upon  their  third 
expedition,  which  they  began  March  27,  1676,  and  ended  on  the 
10th  of  April  following.     They  met  with  a  stout  Indian  of  the 
enemy's  whom  they  presently  slew,   and  two  old  squaws,  that 
confessed  Nanuntenoo,  alias  Canonchet,  was  not  far  off;  which 
welcome  news  put  new  life  into  the  wearied  soldiers,   that  had 
travelled  hard  many  days,    and   met   with   no   booty   till  now; 
especially  when  it  was  confirmed  by  intelligence  the  same  instant, 
brought  in  by  their  scouts,  that  they  met  with  new  tracks,  which 
brought  them  in  view  of  some  wigwams,  not  far  from  Pautuket, 
by   some  called  Blackstone's  river,  in  one  of  which  the   said 
sachem  was  at  that  moment  diverting  himself  with  the  recital 
of  Captain  Pierce's  slaughter,  surprised  by  his  men  a  few  days 
before.     But  the  alarm  of  the  English,   at  that  time  heard  by 
himself,   put  by  that   discourse,    appalled    by  the   suddenness 
thereof,  as  if  he  had  been  informed  by  secret  item  from  heaven, 
that  now  his  own  turn  was  come.     So,  as  having  but  seven  men 
about  him,  he  sent  two  of  them  to  the  top  of  the  hill,  to  see 
what  the  matter  was ;  but  they,  affrighted  with  the  near  approach 
of  the  English,  at  that  time  with  great  speed  mounting  over  a 
fair  champagua  on  the  other  side  of  the  hill,  ran  by,  as  if  they 
wanted  time  to  tell  what  they  saw.     Presently  he  sent  a  third, 


Avho  did  the  like ;  then  sending  two  more  on  the  same  errand, 
one  of  these  last,  endued  with  more  courage,  or  a  better  sense 
of  his  duty,  informed  him  in  great  haste  that  all  the  English 
army  was  upon  him.  Whereupon,  having  no  time  to  consult, 
and  but  little  to  attempt  an  escape,  and  no  means  to  defend  him- 
self, he  began  to  dodge  with  his  pursuers,  running  round  the 
hill  on  the  contrary  side.  But  as  he  was  running  so  hastily  by, 
Catapazat,  with  twenty  of  his  followers,  and  a  few  of  the  Eng- 
lish, lightest  of  foot,  guessed  by  the  swiftness  of  his  motion, 
that  he  fled  as  if  an  enemy,  w^hich  made  them  immediately  take 
the  chase  after  him,  as  for  their  lives.  He  that  was  the  swifter 
pursuer,  put  him  so  hard  to  it,  that  he  cast  off  first  his  blanket, 
then  his  silver  laced  coat  (given  him  at  Boston,  as  a  pledge  of 
their  friendship,  upon  the  renewal  of  his  league  in  October  be- 
fore) and  belt  of  peag,  which  made  Catapazat  conclude  it  was 
the  right  bird,  which  made  them  pursue  as  eagerly  as  the  other 
fled ;  so  as  they  forced  him  to  take  to  the  water,  through  which, 
as  he  over  hastily  plunged,  his  foot  slipping  upon  a  stone,  it 
made  him  fall  into  the  water  so  deep,  as  it  wet  his  gun  ;  upon 
which  accident,  he  confessed  soon  after,  that  his  heart  and  his 
bowels  turned  within  him,  so  as  he  became  as  a  rotten  stick, 
void  of  strength;  iusouiuch  as  one  Monopoide,  a  Pequod  swift- 
est of  foot,  laid  hold  of  him  within  thirty  rod  of  the  river  side, 
without  his  making  any  resistance,  though  he  was  a  very 
proper  man,  of  goodly  stature,  and  great  courage  of  mind  as 
well  as  strength  of  body.  One  of  the  first  English  that  came 
up  vfith  him,  was  Robert  Stanton,  a  young  man  that  scarce  had 
reached  the  twenty-second  year  of  his  age,  yet  adventuring  to 
ask  him  a  question  or  two,  to  whom  this  manly  sachem,  looking 
with  a  little  neglect  upon  his  youthful  face,  replied  in  broken 
English,  '  You  much  child,  no  understand  matters  of  war ;  let 
your  brother  or  your  chief  come,  him  I  will  answer ;'  and  was  as 
good  as  his  word ;  acting  herein,  as  if,  by  a  Pythagorean  me- 
tempsychosis, some  old  Roman  gho^t  had  possessed  the  body  of 
this  western  pagan ;  and,  like  Attilius  Regulus,  he  would  not 
accept  of  his  own  life,  when  it  was  tendered  him,  upon  that  (in 
his  account)  low  condition  of  compliance  with  the  English,  re- 
fusing to  send  an  old  counsellor  of  his  to  make  any  motion  that 


way,  saying  he  knew  the  Indians  wouki  not  yield;  but  more 
probably  he  was  not  willing  they  should,  choosing  rather  to  sac- 
rifice his  own,  and  his  people's  lives  to  his  private  humour  of 
revenge,  than  timely  to  provide  for  his  own,  and  their  safety,  by 
entertaining  the  counsels  of  peace,  so  necessary  for  the  general 
good  of  all."  * 

He  was  afterwards  carried  to  Stonington,  Ct.  When  up- 
braided with  his  breach  of  faith  to  the  English,  and  with  having 
said  that  •'  Tie  would  not  deliver  vp  a  Wampanoag,  or  the  paring 
of  a  Wampnnoag's  nail,"  and  "  that  he  would  burn  the  English 
alive  in  their  houses,"  ho  replied  that  "  others  were  as  forward 
for  the  war  as  himself,  and  that  he  desired  to  hear  uo  more 
thereof."  When  told,  his  sentence  was  to  die,  he  said  "  he  liked 
it  well,  that  he  should  die  before  his  heart  was  soft,  or  he  had 
spoken  anything  unworthy  of  himself."  He  was  shot  at  Stoning- 
ton, under  the  eye  of  Denlson,  and  the  friendly  Indians  were 
his  executioners. 

*  Hubbard,  pp.  1*^7,  128,  129. 

On  the  24:th*  of  August,  1876,  the  Rhode  Island  Historical 
Society  commemorated  the  two  hundredth  anniversary  of  the 
death  of  King  Philip,  by  planting  a  memorial  treef  on  the  sum- 
mit of  Mount  Hope.  The  exercises  were  of  a  highly  interesting 
character,  and  were  participated  in  by  His  Excellency  Governor 
Lippitt,  Hon.  Samuel  G.  Arnold,  President  of  the  Historical 
Society,  and  other  distinguished  gentlemen. 

The  following  beautiful  and  appropriate  poem,  written  for  the 
occasion,  did  not  reach  the  Committee  of  Arrangements  in  sea- 
sou  to  be  presented  and  read  "  amidst  the  scenes  and  associa- 
tions it  describes  "  : — 

*  The  23d  of  August  was  the  anniversary  of  the  death  of  King  Pliilip.   Eleven 
days  only  should  be  added  to  change  the  date  from  old  to  new  style. 
t  The  tree  did  not  live. 




On  Pokanoket's  height 
All  life  is  hushed  beueath  the  summer  heat; 
No  human  step  is  heard  from  morn  to  night, 

And  echo  can  repeat 
Naught  but  the  lonely  fish-hawk's  piercing  screams, 

As  swooping  downward  to  the  placid  bay, 
To  touch  the  water's  breast  he  scarcely  seems. 

Then  slow  flies  homeward  with  his  struggling  prey, 
Where  mate  and  clamorous  young  hang  eager  o'er 
Their  nest  upon  the  blasted  sycamore. 

You  little  grove  of  trees 

Waves  soundless  in  the  breeze 

That  wanders  down  the  slope  ; 
Hushed  by  the  countless  memories 
Which  cluster  round  thy  crest,  renowned  Mount  Hope. 

How  fair  the  scene! 
The  city's  gleaming  spires,  the  clustering  towns, 
The  modest  villages,  half  hid  in  green. 

Soft  hills  and  grassy  downs ; 
The  dark-blue  waves  of  Narragansett  Bay, 

Flecked  with  the  snow-flakes  of  an  hundred  sail, 
And  southward,  in  the  distance,  cold  and  grey, 
Newport  lies  sleeping  in  her  foggy  veil. 

Beyond  the  eastern  waves. 

Where  Taunton  river  laves 

The  harbor's  sandy  edges, 
Queen  of  a  thousand  iron  slaves, 
Fall  River  nestles  in  her  granite  ledges. 

But  not  to  look  on  these- — 
Not  for  the  azure  lustres  of  the  bay, 
Not  for  the  beauty  of  the  waving  trees. 

We  gather  here  to-day. 


Two  centuries  have  strengthened  our  weak  siirht, 

And  showed  us  virtues  where  we  saw  but  crimes ; 
Two  centuries  have  thrown  a  clearer  light 
On  the  dark  secrets  of  those  troubled  times. 
Once  blinded,  now  we  see, 
And  to  one  memory 
A  tribute  late  we  bring, 
And  plant  this  poor  memorial  tree 
To  Metacomet,  warrior,  sachem,  king. 

When  here  King  Philip  stood. 
Or  rested  in  the  niche  we  call  his  throne. 
He  looked  o'er  hill  and  vale  and  swelling  flood, 

Which  once  were  all  his  own. 
Before  the  white  man's  footstep,  day  by  day, 

As  the  sea-tides  encroach  upon  the  sand. 
He  saw  his  proud  possessions  melt  away. 
And  found  himself  a  king  without  a  land. 

Constrained  by  unknown  laws, 

Judged  guilty  without  cause, 

Maddened  by  treachery. 
What  wonder  that  his  tortured  spirit  rose. 

And  turned  upon  his  foes. 
And  told  his  wrongs  in  words  that  still  we  see 
Recorded  on  the  page  of  history  : — 

"  The  English,  when  they  came,  ^ 

Were  but  a  handful,  poor,  distressed,  forlorn ; 
My  father,  who  was  Sachem,  gave  them  corn ; 

To  serve  them  was  his  aim. 
He  gave  them  lands  to  build  upon,  and  plant, 
Hospitable  and  kind,  relieved  each  want. 
As  others  came  across  the  seas. 
He  watched  their  feeble  strength  increase. 

"My  father's  counsellors  were  wise  and  old; 

They  saw  the  power  the  deadly  firearm  gave ; 
They  saw  the  whites  grow  proud,  and  uncontrolled, 


And  dreaded  lest  the  Indian  be  their  slave. 
As  yet  their  numbers  were  not  great; 
They  said,  destroy  them,  ere  it  be  too  late. 
But  to  my  father's  mood, 
Their  counsel  seemed  not  good  ; 
Gently  he  answered  then  : 
'  My  country  has,  in  vale,  and  hill,  and  wood, 
Room  for  both  Indians  and  for  Englishmen.' 

'*His  words  prevailed,  although  with  ruin  fraught. 

And  so  he  gave  the  English  room,  and  food ; 
But  as  they  flourished,  soon  experience  taught 

The  wise  men's  words  were  good. 
By  various  means,  I  know  not  how,  each  day 
Some  part  of  our  domain  was  taken  away; 
But  still  my  father  could  not  see  the  end, 
And  till  he  died,  remained  the  white  man's  friend. 

**My  elder  brother,  next, 
Wamsutta,  was  the  Sachem  of  our  race, 

And  on  some  false  pretext. 
Made  captive  even  in  his  dwelling  place. 

With  pistols  at  his  breast, 

Dragged  rudely  from  his  rest 
A  prisoner,  with  a  soldier  on  each  side. 
Fatigued,  enraged,  sore  wounded  in  his  pride, 

What  wonder  that  he  died? 

"Now,  the  last  Sachem  of  our  tribe,  I  see 

Our  strength  and  power  decay. 
My  people  tried  by  laws  they  did  not  make, 
And  forced  to  see  the  cruel  white  man  take 

Their  lands  for  damages  they  cannot  pay. 
Whose  ever  herds  transgress  the  boundary  line, 

I  rudely  am  confined  and  forced  to  sell 
Tract  after  tract,  to  pay  an  unjust  fine. 

Nought  but  the  whole,  the  white  man's  greed  can  quell; 


But  a  small  part  remains  to  give 

Of  the  dominions  of  ray  father's  race, 
I  am  determined  not  to  live 

Until  I  have  no  country  and  no  place." 

Such  were  King  Philip's  wrongs, 
Told  by  himself  to  one  who  plead  for  peace ; 
To  the  ungrateful  white  man's  treacheries 

Surely  all  blame  belongs. 

Then  swelled  the  death-song  of  Pometacora, 
Upon  the  site  of  his  ancestral  home, 
Before  he  plunged  into  the  fatal  strife, 
AVhich  ended  only  with  his  life  : 

Then  the  war-cry  rang  out. 
With  shriek,  and  yell,  and  hideous  battle  shout, 
The  silent  arrow  hurtled  through  the  air, 

In  every  copse  there  lurked  a  secret  foe; 
From  hill  and  valley,  rose  the  smoky  glare 
Which  told  of  peaceful  villages  laid  low. 
The  mother  clasped  her  babfes  in  mute  affright, 
And  dreaded,  lest  before  the  coming  night. 
There  might  be  seen,  where  now  her  dwelling  stood, 
But  dying  coals  and  embers  quenched  in  blood. 

How  many  mourned  the  dead? 

The  tale  has  oft  been  read 

In  stories  and  in  songs, 
How  raged  the  conflict  fierce  and  dread ; 
How  the  roused  Indians  avenged  their  wrongs. 

O'er  hill  and  plain. 
The  years  rolled  on,  amid  the  cruel  strife ; 
One  fought  their  ancient  heritage  to  gain. 

One  fought  for  life. 
At  first  the  Indians  triumphed;  but  at  last 

The  tide  of  battle  turned ;  the  skill  and  strength 
And  numbers  of  the  whites  increased  so  fast 
The  red  men  fell  before  them,  till  at  length 


Pometacom,  subdued  but  undismayed, 
Saw  wife  aud  sou  consigned  to  slavery ; 

Saw  the  brave  chiefs  who  rallied  to  his  aid, 
Some  lifeless  ftill,  some  lost  by  treachery  ; 

Cauonchet,  captured,  vilely  tortured,  burned; 

(Such  savage  treatment,  Indians  would  have  spurned :) 

Awashonks,  queen  of  foir  Seaconnet's  shore, 

False  to  her  race,  was  his  ally  no  more ; 

And  one  true  woman,  ever  at  his  side, 

With  grief  enraged.  Wamsutta's  widowed  bride. 
Found  dead  beside  the  river  flow. 
Was  it  a  broken  heart  that  laid  thee  low, 

Pocasset's  warrior  queen,  unhappy  Weetamoe? 

Nearer  and  nearer  came 
The  fatal  end;  they  weaker  grew  each  day. 
Despair,  disease,  starvation  made  their  prey 

Upon  each  feeble  frame ; 
And  white  men  saw  with  hearts  exulting  high, 
The  haughty  race  of  Wampanoags  fly 
Before  their  gathering  force,  from  swamp  to  fen ; 
Hunted  like  some  wild  beast,  from  den  to  den ; 
The  last  weak  remnant  of  the  proud  red  men. 
At  last,  in  yonder  swamp  that  skirts  this  hill, 
Betrayed,  despairing,  but  undaunted  still. 

Circled  by  stealth,  with  hostile  bands. 
King  Philip  fell  by  traitor  hands. 

Shot  through  the  very  heart. 
He  looked  towards  his  ancestral  throne, 
His  fair  Mount  Hope,  no  more  his  own, 
From  which  he  must  depart. 
His  spirit  fled  to  seek  some  happier  place. 
The  last  great  Sachem  of  the  Wampauoag  race. 

And  lies  he  here? 
Is  this  tree  planted  o'er  the  chieftain's  breast? 

Did  they,  on  leafy  bier, 
Bear  their  dead  foeman  to  his  peaceful  rest? 
No!  base  insult  and  injury 


Were  lavished  freely  on  him  then  ; 
While  Indians  stood  aghast,  to  see 

The  tender  mercies  of  the  Englishmen. 
Of  all  the  boundless  lands  he  gave, 
They  could  not  spare  him  even  a  shallow  grave. 
His  remnants  from  four  neighboring  trees  hung  down. 

And  severed  head  and  hands,  oh  !  shameful  story  ! 
Sent  to  far  Plymouth,  and  to  "  Boston  towne," 

As  trophies  to  display  the  conqueror's  glory. 
We  know  not  where  on  earth  his  bones  may  be, 

But  plant  upon  Mount  Hope  King  Philip's  tree, 
And  give  this  tribute  to  his  memory: — 

A  chieftain,  politic  and  wise, 

A  faithful  friend  in  time  of  peace. 
An  enemy  without  disguise, 

Too  proud  to  yield  to  injuries ; 
A  leader,  daring  in  the  strife. 

Loving  his  country  more  than  life, 
A  conqueror,  kind  to  gentleness. 

As  all  his  captive  foes  confess ; 
Humane  in  battle  as  in  peace, — oh!  where 
Is  there  a  liing  could  better  record  bear? 

And  so,  to-day,  a  little  band. 

On  Pokanoket's  height  we  stand. 
And  look  back  o'er  the  page  of  history, 

On  proud  Pometacom. 
Perchance  his  spirit  hovers  nigh, 
Come  from  the  "  happy  hunting  grounds  "  to  view 
What  more  the  white  man's  hand  can  do 

To  desecrate  his  home. 
Shade  of  King  Philip !  to  thy  bitter  wrongs. 
This  tribute  of  a  late  regret  belongs. 
No  marble  stone,  or  monument,  bring  we, 
Nor  polished  shaft  of  granite;  but,  to  thee. 
Son  of  the  forest,  plant  this  forest-tree; 
Long  may  its  life  perpetuate  thy  name. 
Green  as  tliy  memory,  deathless  as  thy  fame. 


As  a  fitting  close  to  these  "  Notes  concerning  the  Wampanoag 
Tribe  of  Indians,"  I  copy  from  the  "  Proceedings  of  the  Rhode 
Island  Historical  Society,  1877-78,"  the  following 



Soon  after  the  commemoration  of  the  two  hundredth  anniver- 
sary of  the  death  of  King  Philip  it  was  proposed  by  Rev.  Dr. 
Caswell  that  the  place  of  King  Philip's  death  should  be  marked 
by  a  boulder,  inscribed  with  his  name.  At  tlie  quarterly  meet- 
ing, October  3d,  1876,  Dr.  Alexis  Caswell,  Dr.  George  L.  Collins, 
and  Hon.  Samuel  W.  Church,  of  Bristol,  were  appointed  a  Com- 
mittee for  this  purpose,  and  a  subscription  of  $105  was  sub- 
sequently obtained,  principally  by  Mr.  William  G.  Williams,  to 
meet  the  expense.  After  the  death  of  Rev.  Dr.  Caswell,  Mr. 
William  J.  Miller,  of  Bristol,  Dr.  William  F.  Channing,  and 
Prof.  J.  L.  Dimau  were  added  to  the  Committee. 

The  Committee  found  that  there  were  no  suitable  boulders  on 
or  near  Mount  Hope  to  move  to  the  "  Miery  Swamp,"  where 
King  Philip  met  his  death,  or  to  its  immediate  margin.  Having 
full  authority  from  the  Society,  the  Committee  therefore  separ- 
ated the  objects  originally  proposed ;  first  selecting  a  boulder  on 
the  top  of  the  Mount,  cutting  therein  a  recess  about  two  feet 
square,  until  a  plain  surface  was  obtained,  and  marking  thereon 
in  bold  letters,  this  inscription  : 


Au<;usT  12,  1G7().    O.  S." 

The  boulder  was  a  breccia  containing  quartz  pebbles  and  very 
hard  to  cut.  Second,  the  Committee  placed  beside  the  Cold 
Spring,  on  a  cemented  foundation,  a  massive  granite  block, 
weighing  probably  two-thirds  of  a  ton,  with  rough  sides, 
bevelled  edges  and  smooth  top,  sloping  like  a  desk,  bearing  the 
following  inscription  : 

ArrENDix.  147 

"In  the  Miery  Swamp,  IHG  feet  W.  S.  W.  from  this  Spring, 
according  to  tradition,  King  Philip  fell,  August  12,  1G7G.     O.  S." 

'*  This  stone  placed  by  the  Rhode  Island  Historical  Society, 
December,  1877." 

The  Cold  Spring  is  itself  one  of  the  landmarks  of  Mount 
Hope,  and  one  of  the  principal  feeders  of  the  Miery  Swamp, 
(spvlt  31  i  c  r  y,  in  the  old  deeds).  The  stream  runs  out  from 
under  the  bank  of  the  comparatively  smooth  terrace  at  the 
western  foot  of  Mount  Hope.  This  terrace  is  the  natural  route 
for  a  future  road. 

Tradition  and  history  both  point  to  the  place  assigned, — 
mimely,  tlie  intersection  of  a  northerly  line  from  the  grove 
where  King  Philip  camped,  with  the  overflow  of  the  Cold  Spring, 
—  as  the  spot,  or  very  nearly  the  spot,  of  his  death.* 

*  By  request  of  the  Society  tlie  following  historical  note  has  been  prepared 
).y  Mv.  William  J.  Miller,  of  Bristol  : 

Note. — It  is  well  known  that  Captain  Benjamin  Church,  the  bold  and  suc- 
cessful "  Indian  tighter,"  commanded  the  expedition  that  surprised  the  Indians 
at  .Mount  Hope  on  the  morning  of  the  12th  of  August,  1676,  and  which  resulted 
in  riiilip's  death.  In  Church's  "Entertaining  Passages  relating  to  Philip's 
War,"  the  place  of  the  Indian  encampment  is  described  as  "  a  little  spot  of 
upland  that  was  in  the  south  end  of  the  Miery  Swamp,  just  at  the  foot  of  the 
Mount,  which  was  a  spot  of  ground  that  Captain  Church  was  well  acquainted 
with,"  The  Indian  "  shelter  was  open  on  tliat  side  next  the  swamp,  built  so 
on  purpose  for  the  convenience  of  tlight  on  occasion."  When  the  Indians  dis- 
covered that  the  English  were  upon  them  they  fled  into  the  swamp,  "  and 
I'tiilip,  the  foremost,  who,  starting  at  the  first  gun,  *  *  *  ran  as  tast  as  he 
could  scamper,  *  *  *  and  directly  upon  two  of  Captain  Churcli's  ambush. 
They  let  him  come  fair  within  shot,  when,  the  Englishman's  gun  failing  to  go 
oir,  he  "  bid  the  Indian  tire  away,"  and  the  latter  shot  Philipthrough  the  heart. 
'' He  Ml  upon  his  face  in  the  mud  and  water,  with  his  gun  under  him."  The 
Indian  "ran  with  all  speed  to  Captain  Church  and  informed  him  ot  his  ex- 
ploit, wlio  commanded  him  to  be  silent  about  it,  and  let  no  man  more  know  it, 
until  they  had  drove  the  swamp  clean;  but  when  they  had  drove  the  swamp 
througii  and  found  the  enemy  had  escaped,  or  at  the  least  the  most  of  them,  and 
the  sun  now  up,  and  so  the  dew  gone,  that  they  could  not  so  easily  track  them, 
the  whole  company  met  together  rt<  the  place  utfhere  the  enemy's  niyht  shelter 
was;  and  then  Captain  Church  gave  them  the  news  of  Philip's  death,"  and 
"  ordered  his  body  to  be  pulled  out  of  the  mire  on  to  the  upland." 

Hubbard,  and  other  contemporary  writers,  make  mention  of  a  severe 
drought  along  the  New  England  ccjast,  during  the  month  of  August,  1070.  The 
growing  "  corn  curled  in  tlie  fields,"   it   was   said,   lor  lack    of  moisture.     This 


The  work  above  described  1ms  been  thoroughly  and  durabl.v 
done  under  the  superintendence  of  Mr.  E.  W.  Tingley,  who 
made  no  charge  for  his  own  time.  The  expenses  were  necessa- 
rily increased  by  the  very  bad  transportation,  at  all  seasons,  be- 
tween Bristol  and  Mount  Hope. 

The  amount  of  subscription  was  $105  with  62  cents  interest 
accruing  in  the  Treasurer's  hands.     The  total  cost,  included   in 
the  receipted  bill  of  the  Tingley  Marble  Co.,  is  $103.33,  leaving 
a  balance  of  $2.29  cents  in  the  treasury. 
For  the  Committee, 

William  F.  Channixg. 

Providexck,  R.  I.,  January  15,  1878. 

being  the  case,  it  is  probable  that  there  was  no  water  in  the  swamp  wlien  Pliilip 
was  killed,  except  the  overflow  from  "  Cold  Spring."  This  we  know  has  been 
the  condition  of  the  swamp,  on  one  or  two  occasions,  in  a  very  dry  time  within 
the  past  thirty  years.  And  this  historical  fact  goes  far  towards  fixing  the  spot, 
as  the  spring  is  near  the  southern  end  of  the  swamp. 

So  much  for  history. 

In  1080,  four  years  after  the  close  of  the  war,  four  merchants  of  Boston 
purchased  that  part  of  Mount  Hope  neck  wiiicii  had  been  condemned  by  Ply- 
mouth Colony,  as  "conquered  territory,"  and  laid  out  the  township  of  Bristol. 
Among  the  first  settlers  was  Captain  Benjamin  Church,  who  built  a  house  and 
resided  in  Bristol  probably  more  than  twenty  years.  It  is  natural  to  suppose 
that  the  early  settlers  would  be  interested  to  know  the  spot  where  so  renowned 
a  warrior  as  Philip  fell;  and  that  Captain  Church  would  take  pride  in  pointing- 
it  out.  And  further,  that  this  important  incident  would  be  kept  in  remem- 
brance  from  generation  to  generation.  Somewhere  about  17.55,  Doctor  William 
Bradford  became  a  resident  of  Bristol.  At  that  time  there  must  have  been 
persons  living  in  Bristol  who  remembered  Captain  Church  as  a  resident.  As 
Doctor  Bradford,  (afterwards  Lieutenant  Governor,  anO  one  of  the  two  Sena- 
tors who  lirst  rei)resented  this  State  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States)  was 
the  great-grandson  of  Major  WMlliam  Bradford,  who  commanded  the  combined 
Plymouth  and  Bay  forces  in  Pliilip's  War,  we  may  well  assume  that  he  would 
feel  a  deep  interest  in  the  tradition,  and  would  acquaint  himself  with  the  spot. 
Governor  Bradford  purchased  the  Mount  Hope  estate,  and  after  the  close  of 
the  "War  of  the  Revolution  resided  on  the  farm  where  Philip  fell,  and  died  there 
in  1S08.  Governor  Bradford's  son  .John  inherited  the  farm  from  his  father,  and 
it  is  through  John's  youngest  son  William,  who  was  born  and  reared  upon  the 
farm,  that  the  tradition  comes  to  us.  He  points  out  the  spot,  and  says,—"  this 
is  the  place  where  my  father  always  told  mo  Philip  fell." 

I  will  only  add,  in  conclusion,  that  as  this  presumably  direct  tradition  as  to 

tlie  spot  is  in  accord  with  history,  we  nuty  reasonably  accept  it  as  reliable. 

WiJ.LiAM  .J.  .Arn.i.Ki:. 
.January  1.").  187^*. 

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